This letter was written by 21 year-old Morris Baxter (1840-1863), a member of the Sprague Zouave Cadets who were mustered into the 7th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI) as Co. B. This regiment served for just three months and when the men were encouraged to reenlist as a three year regiment, Morris signed on again as a corporal and rose in rank to 1st Lieutenant and Adjutant of the 7th OVI, known by man as the “Rooster Regiment.”
Morris was mortally wounded in the fighting on Taylor’s Ridge some 12 miles south of Chattanooga during the Battle of Ringgold Gap (Ga.) on 27 November 1863. A regimental history states that, “In the death of Adjt. Morris Baxter we lose a noble man, brave to rashness in battle, energetic and efficient in camp.” [See: “Its Glory Seemed to Have Parted: the 7th Ohio at Ringgold” by my friend Dan Masters]
Morris wrote this letter to his parents, William Baxter (1800-1865) and Elizabeth Chambers (1804-1896) of Carrollton, Carroll county, Ohio.
[My thanks to Ann Melichar for preparing a draft of this transcription.]
Transcription
Addressed to Mr. William Baxter, Carrollton, Carroll county, Ohio “Death to Traitors” Patriotic envelope postmarked Cleveland, OH
Head Quarters Sprague Zouave Cadets Camp Taylor, Cleveland Ohio April 30, 1861
Dear Father & Mother,
I have but a few minutes to write you a very short letter. I did not receive yours until Saturday evening. We are very busy drilling all the time in daylight and after night we have no lights so that my chances for writing are small but I shall write you as often as I can. Our company was sworn in and mustered into the 7th Regiment yesterday [as Co. B]. We will leave here sometime this week—I think about tomorrow or next day—for either Marietta, Cincinnati, or Cairo, Illinois. We don’t know which yet until we receive orders from HeadQuarters at Columbus.
If I had time, I would write you a description of our camp and camp life, how we eat and sleep, &c., our uniforms, and a lot of other things that I know would interest you. We have in camp now 4,386 men and to see them all sit down to breakfast is a sight worth seeing.
I am called and must go. I will write again soon and give you a longer letter. Until then, good bye and God bless you all.
I could not find an image of John but here’s a tintype of William Crowley of the 7th Ohio Volunteer Infantry.
These letters were written by John Fram (1842-1862), the son of Robert Fran (1812-1887) and Jane Main (1818-1898) who came with their family to Portage county, Ohio, from Scotland in 1849.
John enlisted in June 1861 in Co. G, 7th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). There are only three letters in this collection and possibly only one that was written by John Fram himself (Letter 2). The other two were probably written by a comrade in the service as the handwriting appears better than John’s.
John wrote two of the letters in February 1862. The following month, on 23 March 1863, John was killed during the First Battle of Kernstown—perhaps killed while lying under the “nerve-wracking artillery bombardment from which they could not run” on Pritchard’s Hill. His headstone is in the Winchester National Cemetery, Section 11, Grave 306. [See The 7th OVI at the Battle of Kernstown-March 1862]
John wrote the letters to his younger brother, William Fram (1845-1930).
Letter 1
Addressed to Mr. Wm. Fram, Deerfield, Portage county, Ohio
Camp Dennison [Ohio] June 22, 1861
Dear Brother,
I take the present opportunity of informing you that I am well at present and hope these few lines will find you the same.
We expect to move into Virginia in 4 or 4 days. I will send my clothes to Atwater with the rest of the Deerfield boys. They will be sent to Mr. Waller’s and I want you to get them. I expect they will be there by the time this letter reaches you. I would like very much to have seen all of you again before we went into the Rebels but I don’t suppose I will. If I fall in battle, I shall feel that I have died in a good cause. If I never see you, you must take care of yourself and think of me and think that I have done my duty and may God Almighty bless and protect you.
Your brother, — John Fram
P. S. You need not write to me until you receive another letter informing you my whereabouts. I send my best respects to all of the neighbors—especially Mr. and Mrs. Excell.
Dear mother, I hope my few lines will find you well. I thought very much about you that day after I left. There is not a day passes over my head but I think of you. I never shall forget my friends as long as I live. I will put my trust in God—the Giver of all good, perfect gifts and He will sustain me in the hour of trial. I would like to know how George and Christina is getting along at school. So farewell mother. May God Almighty bless and protect you. Yours on, — John Fram
Letter 2
Camp [Duty at Hampton Heights and Paw Paw Tunnel] February 1862
Dear Brother,
I take this opportunity of writing you a few lines to let you know that I am very well at present but I hope these few lines will find you enjoying good health. I never wrote a letter in my life to before as myself. I am trying to write all my letters myself so I will not trouble anybody but myself. So you can see for yourself how I am gaining and what do you think of such stuff. There was one of the general’s aide shot through the left shoulder by a bushwhacker and some of our scouts says they seen 300 infantry and about 100 cavalry. They went back to camp and our men came back to camp ad reported that the whole force is about 18 miles from here. But our men are not afraid of them and we don’t think that we will ever have a fight.
I think I will be home with you next fall of not before. There is a good chance of this war ending but I will have to draw my letter to a close. So goodbye.
From your brother, — John Fram
to his brother, William Fram
Direct to the 7th Regt., Co. G, in care of F. [ ]
Letter 3
Addressed to Mr. William Fram, Deerfield, Portage county, Ohio
Camp [Duty at Hampton Heights and Paw Paw Tunnel] February 23d 1862
Dear Brother,
Yours of the 13th was duly received and I was glad to hear from you. I have not been very well for a few days. I have such a bad cold. We are yet 25 miles from Cumberland on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Our camp is on the top of a mountain & we have a very nice camp. Yesterday was Washington’s Birthday and we had a great celebration in camp. General [Frederick W.] Lander was present at Review. He is a good looking man and brave. 1
Frederick William Lander (1821-1862)—“a good looking man, and brave.”
You wanted me to give you a description of what we have to eat, how we sleep, &c. I will try to do so. We have bread, beef, pork, beans and rice, dried potatoes, coffee, sometimes molasses. All these we have when we are in camp. Sometimes on a march we get out of provisions and have to wait until we cap before we get any more. The company is divided into five messes—17 in a mess—and each mess has a cook. They drive two forked sticks in the ground, put a pole on over the fire. When it is cooked, each one takes a piece in his hand & sits down on a log or on the ground to eat it. We have no plates, knives or forks, We have tin cups to take our coffee in. Some of the boys have cups and spoons.
Now for the way we sleep. Each one has two blankets & overcoat for a bed. At half past 8 o’clock tattoo is beat on the drum & we are called into line for roll call. All those that are not there to answer to their name are put on extra duty & if they refuse to go on guard, they are put in the guard house for 24 hours. After roll call we can go to bed. We put down the overcoat on a board or on the ground and sleep. Taps are beat on the drum & then there is to be no more noise in camp until six o’clock in the morning. Reveille is beat & we have to fall out for roll call. Then the guards are detailed by the Orderly Sergeant of the company. Then we have nothing more to do until noon when we have to fall in again for roll call.
Each man has to go on guard about once a week. We think the way is about ended & I want you to save me some sugar to eat when I come home. I want to know if Hanes is ever a going to write to me. Tell me if the folks could read the letter I wrote.
For myself, I have nothing more to write at present. So goodbye. Your brother, — John Fram
Wrote soon. Co. G, 7th [Ohio] Regiment, Virginia
1 Frederick William Lander (1821-1862) was revered for his bravery, having taken a wound in the leg at the Battle of Ball’s Bluff earlier in the war, and having led a successful charge against at Confederate camp at Bloomery Gap. Lander died from complications of pneumonia at Camp Chase, Paw Paw, Virginia on 2 March 1862—just a few days after this review.
Henry Hayes Coe, Band Leader 7th OVI (Itinerary of the Seventh OVI, 1861-1864)
These letters were written by Henry Hayes Coe, (1830-1908), the son of David Lyman Coe (1796-1836) and Mary Matilda Hayes (1800-1877) of Painesville, Lake county, Ohio. Henry attended the Western Reserve College and made his living as a machinery builder before and after the war.
When the Civil War began, Henry became the band leader of the 7th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI) on 10 July 1861. He joined the Regiment—commonly called, “the Roosters,” at Weston, Virginia, Second Brigade Army of Occupation and was in the Battle at Kessler’s Cross Lanes, Summerville on 24-25 August; at Charleston until November 1st; expedition to Loop Creek and Fayetteville, November 1st to 17th; skirmish at McCoy’s Mills, November 15; expedition to Blue’s Gap, January 6th and 7th, 1862; fight at Blue’s Gap, January 7th. In Third Brigade, Lander’s division, Army of the Potomac, at Hampton’s Heights and Pawpaw Tunnel, until March. Transferred to Third Brigade, Shield’s division, in March. Advanced on Winchester, March 7 to 15. In the battle of Winchester, March 22-23rd 1862, the bandsmen “were engaged in carrying off the wounded, building fires to warm freezing limbs, and carrying water to assuage tormenting thirst.”
Transferred to the 3rd Brigade, 1st Division, Department of Rappahannock, April 1st 1862, they were at Monterey, April 12th, New Market, April 17th; McDowell, May 8th; March to Fredericksburg, May 12th to 21st; march to Port Republic, May 25th. In the battle of Port Republic, June 8th and 9th. Transferred to 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 2nd Corps, Army of Virginia. They were at Alexandria until July.
He mustered out with the band at Washington on 5 July 1862 and later reentered the service as leader of the band for Second Brigade, Third Division, Twenty-third Army Corps, Army of Ohio, September 16th, 1864 and joined the brigade at Rome, Georgia, and participated in the Battle of Franklin and Nashville, and later in North Carolina. [Lawrence, Wilson, ed., Itineraray of the Seventh Ohio Volunteer Infantry 1861-1864 (Akron: The Neal Publishing Company, 1907), p. 382.]
All four of Henry’s letter were written to his wife, Lucy Ann (Proctor) Hayes (1828-1909), the daughter of Ariel Proctor (1802-1874) and Susanna Harris Hinckley (1807-1891). The couple were married in August 1858.
Letter 1
Weston, [Virginia] July 20, 1861
My Dearest Lucy,
I wrote you yesterday respecting Captaincies. Clayton to leave for home last night but as the Colonel did not return in time to make out his furlough, he did not leave & I sent it on by mail. He will leave at one o’clock today and will probably hand you this before you receive the other. I have but little more to write—only when Capt. Clayton returns to us, be sure & write me a long letter for though I am strongly interested in my duties here & as contented as any man can be, all things considered (for I am in the best of spirits) yet I fully appreciate the sacrifices I have made of home comforts, family pleasures, friends & business, & my mind is at home much of the time.
We are to leave this place today or tonight. What direction, I do not know but I suppose down towards Kanawa Valley. I expect our mail facilities will be more irregular than heretofore but I shall write as often as possible & want you to do the same.
Our boys have all got pretty well broke in & feel well. We are to advance. Other troops are expected to be here today to take our place.
The war news in every direction is favorable. We have been studying geography & Virginia maps but we cannot divine whether we are bound for Eastern Virginia or Tennessee. Probably we shall never leave Weston, Va. until we return home.
All I can now say in conclusion is keep up good spirits. Make the best of everything at your command. Hope for the best & we can trust Providence for the rest.
Please give my kindest regards to Mrs. Baker. I should have been glad to have seen her & bid her goodbye before I left. I have written to no one yet but you. Indeed, I have not much time to write & of our boys did not make common stock of postage stamps, I could not pay postage a great while until we get some pay for when I counted my money when I got underway to Cleveland, I found I had only 46 cents.
In haste, yours forever, — Henry
Letter 2
Braxton Court House [Virginia] July 28th [1861]
My Own Dear Lucy,
Your very kind letter of 22nd was received at 9 tonight. A courier leaves for Weston at daylight in the morning. I received your other just as we were striking tents to leave Saltown. I hope now to receive letters from you by every courier. They do me so much good.
This is a place of great & continued excitement, & of a great deal of labor for men in the ranks, though musicians fare less hard work, yet I must say that this life agrees with me for my health certainly & I can pick up a march of 20 miles without anything to eat even & not mind it. For the first week I would take cold every night but today we have marched 9 miles through heavy rains, slippery mountain roads, helped strike & pitch tents, & been 9 hours on march & in ranks without any chance of anything to eat between 7 a. m. and 7 p. m. & yet I do not feel it at all and could probably go 20 miles tonight if necessary. I dreaded much to come at first but now I am into it & really enjoy it although we have to rough it and are deprived of the pleasures & advantages of home.
We should have had a fight but the rebels run every time. This morning a scouting party captured 14 rebels—6 mounted with their horses & arms, & 8 rifle men. Our force is now so large that it takes about 100 acres of ground for the encampment.
Last night we reached Flatbush about 9 o’clock, dark, muddy, and rainy. We could see nothing nor could there be found level ground enough to pitch a single tent. But by 10 o’clock, a half dozen hillsides were covered by about 500 tents & two hundred army wagons with their tarred like covers & every 2 tents had their huge camp fires around which the soldiers were cooking and drying their clothes while most had lights inside which mingled with the voices of 3 or 400 men made the scene most beautiful & interesting.
At this time some rebel sneaks fired on our pickets. The alarm was given, the cavalry, artillery, and rifles, sounded their bugles, the drums beat the “long roll,”—the soldiers dropped their frying pans, cups and spoons, & were soon in line and ready for a fight. But the sneaks under cover of the night escaped to the woods & I rolled up in my blanket, lay on the ground, and slept sound all night.
We have with us an independent company of “Va. Snake Hunters” about 50 in number—mountain boys armed with the full Minié rifle of from 1 to 1.5 miles range. They are mountain woods men. They are sure shots, can travel 40 miles a day & go mostly on a run. They do nothing but scout, regular Indians indeed. Most of the rebels killed here have been killed by them though they have not yet lost a man.
The water we use here we have to bring about half a mile up a hill almost perpendicular.
I have gotten a letter in answer to one from Mr. & Mrs. [ ]. You say they are away. I therefore send it to you. You may read it & hand it to them. I am much pleased to receive a letter from Mother and am glad she is with you. Do write to me often for in spite of busy moments about me, I am not forgetful of home. I think Mrs. Anderson has done a foolish or unwise thing. Also I think Mr. Anderson ought certainly to come home of that is the way matters stand. I suppose I am infringing on the rules of the camp by keeping a light burning after “tattoo”—10 o’clock—so good night. Write often & I will do the same. With much love to you, Mother, and the little ones. — Henry
While I think of it, can you send me some postage stamps. There is no post office nearer here than Weston which is 43 miles & when we left there, I [had] not much money & I can not send letters without stamps & there are no stamps to be had here.
When we came into this town we found it almost entirely deserted except by a few old women and a few little children. I should say that full 4/5th of the houses were locked and empty, all movables being taken away. We are informed that many of the citizens talked of burning them expecting that we would have the satisfaction of doing it for them. There are here many fine gardens with new potatoes & all the vegetables of the season and the boys were calculating to love on the fat of the land but Col. Tyler’s policy is different for he issued orders to allow no man to enter any house, garden, or orchard. But for all that, some of the boys commenced depredations & the Colonel got wind of it, rode through town, & seeing them, fired 3 revolver shots (so the boys say), probably not meaning to hit anyone, but a while after seeing another man getting over the fence, he took a dead aim at him when his pistol snapped but misfired. He expressed himself that it must have been Providential for he had never known it to misfire before. He said his orders should be respected & they were.
However, before this, while the men were standing in line for 2 or 3 hours, the Band fell out & were at rest until the condition and the dangers of the place could be ascertained. Meantime, a few of the boys slipped around back of the houses & secured cucumbers, squashes, peas, onions, beets, cabbages, & new potatoes enough to make half of us sick, for most of us had nothing to eat from breakfast until 7 in the evening, having performed a march through rains over slippery, muddy mountain roads & many of our teams got stalled & did not get in with our “kitchen” till so late that when we did get supper, we eat too much of the green stuff. However, we are alright now.
As to our position here, we are on a hill. The side next the town is almost perpendicular 300 feet above & from the brink we can throw stones down into the chimneys of the houses. This side commands by musket shot the whole town. On a projection of this side is a battery of old rifles cannon which commands the only two roads by which Old Gov. Wise & his rebel host can approach as also the suspension bridge—a fine structure over the Elk river & 375 feet long.
Our men have raised entrenchments all along the brow of this hill for the protection of rifle & musket men. The ground on the summit contains, I should think, 300 acres, and there is room, I should say, for double the number of men to camp & the natural defenses are nearly the same on every side. We hold the other roads we hold under guard with reserves stationed at signal distances. Indeed, today in lieu of magnetic telegraph we are establishing a signal telegraph back to Weston which will be in working order today I suppose until the wire is laid.
We are all constructing other roads to connect back and down into main road as a matter of prudence if needed.
About a mile distant on the other side of the river are encamped a lot of the Virginia boys—also Uncle Sam’s Regulars. I am informed that some of their shell guns are in masked batteries over there somewhere. I have not been over to see. The Geneva & Cleveland Artillery, I am informed, are within signal distance. The rebels fired on our trains yesterday. They are Hungary but they got “nary a biscuit” as heavy guards are sent with ever train. Wise was reported within a few miles yesterday with a large force. We somewhat expected him here to dinner today but has not come. We suppose we have him surrounded. If he thinks this the weakest front of our line, he will try to force through here. But it is my opinion that our force here in position, without our reserves, is good for him & 15,000 rebels. Our boys are seeing real service here. One of them, an acquaintance of mine, left today as a scout, spy & courier–disguised—& is going for 50 or 60 miles through the enemy’s country to our forces on the other side of Wise. It is a ticklish mission but I guess he is good for it. We have seen no very fierce enemies yet. All things now move on smoothly.
You must not worry about me. I think I take good care of myself & despite all the rumors there are few that believe we shall have even a brush with them here. We have enough to do except rainy days. It has rained today so that we have had no dress parade & I have written you a long letter. Ever yours, — Henry
Letter 3
In his letter, Henry describes the skirmish at Kessler’s Cross Lanes—sometimes called the “battle of forks and knives“—on 26 August 1861 in which Confederate forces under Brig. Gen. John B. Floyd attacked Col. Erastus B. Tyler’s men some three miles from the Gauley River in present day West Virginia. The 7th OVI was surprised while eating breakfast and routed with a severe loss, the two wings of Tyler’s command retreating in opposite directions. Major Jack Casement’s command (the left wing) retreated over mountain ranges and rivers to Charleston, West Virginia, without the capture of a man.
Gauley Bridge, Virginia [now W. Va.] October 2nd 1861
My Dearest Lucy,
Think I must “Launch Ho” another letter at you for I have received Mother’s warm stockings, the package of old last month’s papers & your very kind, good long letter. It makes me exceedingly glad to get the stockings & to read your letters, but it makes infinitely mad to read some of the papers. The fools have not all gone to the war. Neither have all the cowards gone. We know what some of them would do—place them in danger. I am under no obligations to anyone in the field to defend anyone’s official character or acts. I do not deem it proper always to offer praise where indeed praise or approbation may be due; but when men, who claim to be leaders of public sentiment in the community in which they act and endeavor to lead it by means of the press, come out and make the wholesale & to a man who under easy circumstance honestly endeavors to discharge every duty, the resulting charge of cowardice & that too with but limited means of knowing of the action & the orders which lead to the action he in so public & harsh a manner judges, I refer to some items of Abbot’s editorial on the report of the Paineville Committee. As for myself, I claim no honor in consequence of it for I did not run very fast & not at all until after the fight was over (though probably because I was at a safe distance). All the officers in the action and friends of mine for ought I know—no one more than another, & I will giver them the credit of intelligence discretion & good judgement to show favoritism to no one and to save under special obligations to none of them, so if they say anything to defend anyone, I am in justice moved to do so. I say when men like the Tinker of the telegraph makes the sweeping charge of cowardice against our officers, he either ought to be suppressed as a fool for not knowing the meaning of what he says or he ought to be made to meet them face to face & sustain or retract his charges if his little dirty 500 circulation sheet is worthy of any recognition whatever. However, to give the devil his due, I may give him credit for some ignorance, for if he depended on the report of our Paineville Committee, it was from necessity meagre, or at least somewhat prejudiced. I will give my reasons.
They on their way here first reached Charleston which was the Major and all the Painesville boys who were in the battle. We had had but little communication with them since the battle. They comprised about half the regiment, the other half having escaped by another way. In action, the two parties were so much concealed from each other that one knew little what the other did or how they got out, while continual discussions or reports & surmises soon manufactured undeniable facts (the camp is the place above all others for that( & some apparently deemed it necessary to detract from the glory of one to bring out the splendor of another, though it certainly was not necessary in the case of our Major. It was the fortune of our committee to reach Charleston while this state of things existed & before they knew much of the action & varied fortune of the rest of us, & their information accordingly without their being able to know it. Their minds were particularly made up—their feelings charged, & when they reached here, we could with truth say they were prejudiced & they did not know it. Then the Oberlin men were acquainted with Cox & all had frequent interviews that Cox labored with them, I know, & with some result for I saw that before they left, I judged that Cox had worked to some advantages while Col. Tyler, whose guests they were, is some like me, never very communicative.
While during their stay here there was much excitement as the rebels were close by & skirmishes were almost hourly & a general attack was being attempted, & amid it all I do believe that the committee (though unintentionally) carried home a picture somewhat colored, & to disfigure it still more, the editorial brush has blunderingly put on a final daub. I think if the good Lord would call the telegraph hence—editorially at least—Lake county would be relieved & blessed.
But really, I have covered this whole sheet and have not informed you that I want no more cotton shirts. I have 3 which I would have sent home but I would burden no one with them. I have not worn one for 6 weeks. Government furnishes us some heavy, grey woolen ones & with our continual exposure, it is not safe to wear any others. However outside I wear a pair of nice gingham ones which I got off the sutler & which many of the officers wear. We have a plenty and can get more any day.
We today got us a good quantity of socks & very good, heavy warm large ones. So our feet feel well now. As to getting nearer home, I know nothing though it is said the pay master will be here within 10 days sure. When the Colonel & the men were up New River, the colonel sent us an order to march to Charleston but the Uglies at Headquarters intercepted the order as I suppose, for we never got it.
I am glad to know “Uncle” Whiting has received my letter & I would be glad to get one from him. Tell Lucy I certainly would be glad to get a letter from her. I have been on the point of writing to her several times but something would turn up to prevent. I answer all correspondents & if necessary, you may publish in the papers that anybody who wishes may write to me & I will try and acknowledge receipt &c.
Oh, I should like much to spend a little time at home & maybe I can. I shall make no more whatever until after we have got some money. If the shop business furnishes no more money that you say, I think it better that I am here. As to the fault finding at C. Louis, I care nothing providing they will do no body injustice. It is easy to talk & another thing to act.
There is a large force both Federal and Secesh with 30 or 40 miles of us amounting in all to from 30,000 to 50,000 men. The two bodies lay near within about 2 miles of each other. We expect every day to hear of a great fight & if Rosecrans & Cox get whipped, they must fall back on this place. But we do not expect they will be beat.
[F. A.] Eileman has not been well for two or three weeks & left for home yesterday. I went with him to the steamboat landing about eight miles down & as I had to walk it, we had a tramp of near 16 miles. [James D.] Hennessey & [John] Parmele went with me. Before Eileman returns, he will probably call on you. We want a few more men for the band & Eileman has authority to recruit there &c. I enclose you a specimen or two of the orders I receive which may be curiosities to you. Also I send you a drawing or pencil sketch of our kitchen as taken by our special artist, & it is a very correct representation. “Steve”—our colored servant or “kitchen maid”—is on his way to the river with a camp kettle for water. We [ ] the lumber out of high water flood trash & built the stone work ourselves. The chimney at first would not draw well so we topped it but with a Cracker Barrel. “Steve” wears the cap I gave him—the one I wore from home. Mr. Hennesey’s package by Mr. Brown has not arrived & consequently your letter with stamps. Brown says he don’t know where it can be.
Much love, — Henry
Letter 4
[partial letter, probably mid October 1861]
…For a day or two I have [had] an ailment I have never before been subject to—the toothache. One side of my countenance apparently shows more health and high living than the other & feels rather gouty. Still we have become accustomed to so many little inconveniences that the toothache can’t be much. I would rather have it extracted but at the hospitals here all their tooth pullers are “twisters” or “turnkeys” and as they are liable to break hollow teeth, I prefer to wait until Doct. Deming, our assistant surgeon, returns for he is a dentist with all & has a full set of dentist tools with him; & he is up near Gauley with our boys & I can assure you we are willing to endure the toothache & many other things could we know that it ensure them all a safe return.
Now is the time of our anxiety & the time when we can somewhat appreciate that of our friends at home, & we feel more of this anxiety that we should if we were on the ground with them, & in the same danger. To such companions as are agreeable to us, who are companions of our labors and privations we become, if anything, more strongly attached than we would to college mates & more—if our 7th Boys are in an active position, I expect to hear of a fearful fight. They know that they have the confidence & reliance of their General officers & are styled by them “picked men,” & they will not disappoint them. They know too that brainless cowardly editors at home have published to the world & falsely that they had run “like cowards,” & they feel irritated so far as they have noticed it at all, & I know that some of the more thoughtful were determined, if they had the opportunity, to achieve a success, even at a sacrifice of one half of their number. And though but little was said, yet I know that was what might be called the general feeling. We daily hear rumors which are all or most of them favorable, & which made us quite sure of a success. But we hear other & painful rumors of actual successes & sacrifices of life but I will mention no names lest the reports be not true, for if they are, you probably will know it before this can reach you. But this letter cannot be mailed until tomorrow night. We may then have some more & reliable news.
I received a letter from Mrs. Baker with yours—the first I have received from her in four weeks by mail. I shall try to answer it in a day or two. I wrote to Father Whiting yesterday.
Monday eve. Major reached here last evening & has just delivered your letter. We get news here quick and we heard or 4 days ago that the Major had a son there. We have no more news from up the river & begin to fear it is to be a kind of a fizzle, or draw game of some kind without a result, but we don’t know anything about it. Indeed, that is “what is the matter.” Some of the painful rumors of yesterday have been confirmed.
I am sorry Mr. Eileman did not come with the Major for the longer he stays at home, the longer I must stay here before going home. Mr. Hennessey has not gone & probably will not go until our boys return from Gauley for I am told the paymaster will not pay off the regiment until they are together again. However, I am coming & so is Christmas. I don’t know which will reach you first.
Our Mr. Brown had the colach last night & could not do duty & my face was so big I could not manage it so we have not been on duty today at all. Went down to the hospital & had the offending tooth ousted—feels some better but my face is some & a good deal one sided. Have a dozen—15—20 things to write but no time or space. Ever in love, — Henry
Spared & Shared 22 