I can’t be certain but believe this letter may have been written by Mary E. Loomis (1842-1900) of Windsor, Hartford county, Connecticut (Poquonock Post Office). Mary was the daughter of Anson and Eunice (Simmons) Loomis. She later married Henry Thompson Sperry (1837-1921) and resided in Hartford. Monson Academy was a college-preparatory school in Wilbraham, Massachusetts, for girls and boys.
In her letter to Euphrasia Elliott, Mary mentions all three of Euphasia’s brothers who were serving in the Union army. James and George Elliott were both in the 1st Connecticut Heavy Artillery, and Edward was in the 5th Connecticut Infantry. By this time in the war, Edward had already deserted his regiment and fled to Canada which is why Euphrasia had no responses to her letters.
Addressed to Miss J. E. Elliott, North Manchester, Ct.
East Longmeadow, Massachusetts September 22, 1862
My Dear Euphrasia,
I have just come here from Monson and Wilbraham and found your letter at the [Post] Office here. I am glad you had so fine a visit and enjoyed it so well. I too have had a good time generally, and now I wish to settle down somewhere for the winter but not here were salt pork is the fare continually. I have my eye on Stafford Springs, or Hartford, but nothing definite.
I regret to hear that George is sick, and James not well. I hope your next will bring better news. If you have had no answers from Edward, you had better perhaps wait until he writes before you write again. The regiment he was in was all cut to pieces and many of its officers are prisoners in Richmond—Col. Chapman among the number who is also wounded. Perhaps Edward may have been taken prisoner. If so, he will find a way to write after a little while.
McClellan will teach the Rebels, both South and North, that he will not trifle much longer. He is now what Washington was in the old war—the idol of the Army. Banks too has arisen fast and now stands second only to McClellan in the view of the country.
—M. E. Loomis, Civilian, 22 September 1862
Edward Burt is now at Arlington Heights. He has written several long letters home. The last week has been a week of battles—hard ones too. McClellan will teach the Rebels, both South and North, that he will not trifle much longer. He is now what Washington was in the old war—the idol of the Army. Banks too has arisen fast and now stands second only to McClellan in the view of the country. While Pope has shown he can command a small force better than a whole army. But enough of this for the present.
I hope soon to see you. Please just say to Peter, or Alice, that you expect me the first of October. Bring it in easy so that they will not think I sent them word of my coming. Well, I will stop writing for my pen, or ink, or both, are in no condition for letter writing today. Burn this up, if you please. I will tell you all the news when I come. So excuse this miserable half sheet of nothing.
Give my love to your Mother and all the others of your family. Tell Charlie I shall not forget him. I am really too indolent today to do anything in good shape so excuse me this time. Yours as ever, — M. E. Loomis
A scan of the following letter was sent to me for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by the owner who purchased it recently with a collection of ephemera contained in a portfolio belonging to Lt. Colonel Calvin Littlefield of the 94th New York Infantry. The pencil be-smudged sheet dates to 21 September 1862—just four days after the Battle of Antietam during which Littlefield commanded the regiment. Though he was in broken health and suffering from dysentery, Littlefield was in command of the regiment from just after the Second Battle of Bull Run (where Colonel Adrian R. Root was wounded) until November 1862 when he resigned his commission to return home.
Lt. Col. Calvin Littlefield, 94th New York Vols.
Calvin was the son of John Littlefield (1794-1880) and Aurilla Barney (1803-1881) of Ellisburg, Jefferson county, New York. He was married in 1848 to Harriet Lucretia Sprague (1824-1903) in 1848. Prior to the war, Calvin had earned a living as a school principal and had even served in the New York State Legislature from 1854 to 1857. He mustered in as the Captain of Co. K, 94th New York infantry but was appointed the Lt. Colonel on 17 March 1862.
Because he was suffering so badly from dysentery at the time, Littlefield asked Lieutenant A. A. Moffett to write the after-action report of the Battle of Antietam, leading some historians to question whether he actually commanded the 94th New York during the fight. The following letter—understandably brief and written with a shaky hand—helps to contradict that notion. Historians will remember that the 94th New York was brigaded with the 26th New York and the 88th and 90th Pennsylvania in the 2nd Brigade of Grig. General Ricketts 2nd Division of Maj. General Hooker’s 1st Corps at the Antietam.
Transcription
Sharpsburg [Maryland] September 21, 1862
Father,
Concern yourself not as I have survived the battle at Sharpsburg. Will write you at a later date.
As soon as possible and feasible, will send you a trophy of the battle. My orderly recovered a Rebel musket which I now have in my possession.
God is merciful!
— Calvin
Lt. Col. Calvin Littlefield’s double breasted dark blue wool frock coat. Coat has eagle “I” buttons with “W.H. SMITH & CO. NEW YORK” (rmdc) backmarks. The coat is lined with the typical wool/silk blend dark brown material with some breast area quilted and a fancy “palm” leaf design in indigo blue thread. Overall the coat is in very good to very fine condition with a few small moth nips scattered around the coat. Also some period tears repaired on the shoulders. On NY staff button attached to the tail area with three other eagle “I” as on the front. Single border shoulder bars of a smaller than normal size with silver wing spread eagle. A nice coat which shows signs of field usage. [Advertisement in The Hose Soldier.]
This letter was written by 28 year-old Frederick (“Fred”) W. Mason (1834-1922), a native of Derbyshire, England. His parents were Frederick William Mason (1811-1841) and Catherine Matilda Hallam (1816-1892). He was married to Sarah Elizabeth Fellows (1834-1919) in Hyde Park, Luzerne county, Pennsylvania, in November 1858—ten years after emigrating to the United States. She was the daughter of Joseph T. and Marilla (Pettebone) Fellows. Fred began his career as a store clerk in Hyde Park but eventually owned a dry goods store in Scranton, Pennsylvania.
Fred wrote the letter to his friend, Jacob (“Jake”) C. Kintner (1838-1886) who first entered the service in November 1861 as a private in Co. H, 52nd Pennsylvania Infantry. At the time of his enlistment, he was described as standing 5 feet 7.5 inches tall, with dark hair, and grey eyes. Jake was transferred to the Signal Corps (Regular Army) in late April 1863 and stayed with them until late June 1864 when he was discharged and commissioned as the Captain of Co. K, 109th United States Colored Troops (USCT). He mustered out of the service in February 1866.
Jacob was the son of Benjamin Kintner (1812-1890) and Elizabeth J. Winans (1814-1859) of Mehoopany, Wyoming county, Pennsylvania.
Fred’s post script was written on a coal advertisement distributed by A. S. Washburn in Scranton, Pa. informing patrons of the rising price of coal.
Transcription
Addressed to Jacob C. Kintner, U. S. Signal Corps, Care of Lieut. Fred Fuller of the 52nd Pa. General McClellan’s Headquarters, Washington City
Hyde Park, Pennsylvania October 17, 1862
Friend Jacob,
Your letter of the 2nd inst. came to hand on the 10th inst. & I take the first chance offered to reply to it. I was very glad to hear that you had escaped unhurt so far and I hope that you may still be spared in the future to return home after the close of your term of service. I went to New York on the 19th of September, stayed there 4 or 5 days, and then went over to Philadelphia and stopped at the Continental Hotel 1 from Tuesday until the following Saturday. I was busy all the time buying goods. David Richards 2 was along with me & it was his doings that we stopped at the Big Hotel.
I found Capt. [John] Jones in Philadelphia. He had just got there from Baltimore on his way home. He sent in his resignation some two months ago but it was not accepted until about the 20th of September. He is now here and is about starting a store in Hyde Park but it is the wrong time for anyone to start up in business & I don’t think he will make out very well. 3
That famous skedaddler Lieut. [George A.] Bass has also resigned and it has been accepted & he arrived here this week. He is clear of the service and I think it is a damned good job that Uncle Sam should have got rid of paying a big salary to such a poor cuss as he was. The company is now commanded by Lieut. [John A.] Hennessy & the prospects are that a 1st and 2nd Lieutenant will now be selected from the non-commissioned officers of Co. K. I hope that brave Harry Mott will get a chance to get the Lieutenancy that he was cheated out of in the start.
Capt. [Thomas B.] Jayne & [Sgt.] Hen. Morrow [of Co. K, 52nd Pa. Vol.] are still here on recruiting service. They started for Towanda, Bradford county, yesterday and are going to open an office at Towanda until called in. I saw [Sgt.] Henry Fonsman in Philadelphia. He is in the Broad & Cherry Street Hospital. Smith Mott—Hank’s brother—is also there at the Hestonville Hospital. Harry Dimmick [Demmick] of Co. K who was wounded at Fair Oaks is also there yet. He is a cripple yet & 48 pieces of bone have been taken out of his leg. He is a brave boy & bears up under his sufferings bravely. 4
The 132nd Penn. Vols. were terribly cut up at the Battle of Antietam & I see by the papers that Co. B from Wyoming county lost 11 killed & some 20 or 25 wounded & other companies of the regiment suffered almost as bad. Poor fellows! They fought nobly. 5 There was some six killed from Scranton & Hyde Park & 20 wounded besides Colonel [Richard A.] Oakford & two or three more have since died. I think that your family have done nobly in sending so many boys to the war.
They commenced the draft yesterday at Wilkes Barre and they commence drawing for Hyde Park tomorrow. We have to furnish 55 men from this borough. Carbondale has to send over 200 & Scranton about 250. It makes some sober faces around here but we have all got to run our faces and bear it without grinning. The drafted men are to be sent to Camp Luzerne near Kingston. There is a full regiment there now known as the 143rd Pa. They are to be sent on to Washington next week.
The Old 52nd is still in camp at Yorktown & hold possession of the fortification. Col. [John C.] Dodge had full command there a few weeks ago but Brig. General [Henry Morris] Naglee has gone down there & is in command.
I had a letter from Hank Mott a few nights ago. He was pretty well although he says that a great many of the Boys have got the fever and ague—Capt. [Edwin R.] Peckens [of Co. H, 52nd Pa. Vol.] among the rest. My brother Willie is sick. He is a nurse at the Mill Creek General Hospital near Fortress Monroe. I had a letter from him last week. He is suffering from chronic rheumatism & chronic diarrhea. I hope he may yet come out all straight and sound. Doc [Harrison] Allen from our town is a surgeon down there at Fortress Monroe. Also Doc [George W.] Masser of Scranton.
I would very much like to see you & I hope you may have the privilege of coming back home on a furlough between this and Christmas & that we may have a visit from you if I am spared for that length of time & am not drafted. I would send you some newspapers regularly if I thought that they would reach you but I have already sent you a great many which I suppose you never received & they have been lost. However, I will send you some if I have a chance next week. I have 10 or 12 correspondents in different parts of the army & it keep me busy what leisure time that I have to spare answering their letters. I hope that when this letter reaches you, that McClellan’s arms have been crowned with success & that he may be able to rout & scatter the Rebels in Virginia & yet have the good luck to capture Richmond before cold weather sets in. God grant that it may be so.
Business is pretty good here at present but all kinds of goods are very high indeed and rices are advancing every day and will continue to do so just as long as gold commands such a premium. But I hope lower prices may soon prevail once more. Mr. Fellows, Kate & Mary, my wife & two children are all tolerably well. Also John Wells & wife & other friends, and they all unite in sending their very best good wishes for your welfare & safety & wish you a safe return home. I cannot think of any more news to write you and you must please to excuse this miserable scrawl of mine & I hope you will be able to read it & make it out. So I will now close with very best good wishes & regards to you and Lieut. Fuller & other friends, hoping you are well & that I may soon have the pleasure of getting another letter from you. And believe me as ever your very true friend, — Fred W. Mason
Can’t you send me some relics of Seceshia when you write to me again, Jake? I hope you may succeed in capturing a Rebel flag or stand of colors to send to me (Fred).
Coal is raising. It is worth $8 per ton and rising every day. — Fred
1 The Continental Hotel on the corner of 9th & Chestnut Streets in Philadelphia was first opened for guests in February 1860. It was six stories hight and accommodated a thousand people—billed as the largest hotel in the country at the time.
2 David Richards was enumerated as a 27 year-old merchant in Hyde Park, Luzerne county, Pennsylvania, in the 1860 US Census.
3 John Jones, Jr. was the captain of Co. K, 52nd Pennsylvania Volunteers. He resigned on 16 September 1862 according to the company roster.
4 Harry Dimmick (1840-1916) survived the war and lived until 1916. In the 1870 US Census, he was enumerated as a “night watchman” in Carbondale—a job customarily performed by cripples/invalids.His parents were Benjamin Dimmock and Betsy Murray.
5 The 132nd Pennsylvania Infantry had 30 killed and 114 wounded while fighting in the bloody lane (sunken road) at Antietam.Col. Richard A. Oakford was killed in the sunken road and was replaced by Lieut. Col. Vincent M. Wilcox.
Thomas Sparks (1817-1874) wearing the uniform of the Gray Reserves in 1861 when a corporal. (Image from Rittenhouse Square, Past & Present, 1922)
This letter was written by 45 year-old Thomas Sparks (1817-1874) who served in Co. A. of the First Regiment Infantry, National Guard of Pennsylvania (a. k. a. “The Gray Reserves,” or the “7th Regiment of the Militia of 1862”). Thomas and his wife, Annie Eliza Brown, were Pre-Hicksite Quakers and members of the meeting house at Darby. He was born in the old district of Southwark, Philadelphia county, Pennsylvania, and was educated at Nazareth Hall—a Moravian boarding school. In 1838, when he was 21, his uncle took him into the business of manufacturing shot, his uncle then being the proprietor of Sparks’ Shot Tower near the Delaware river in the southern part of the city. In 1855, when his uncle died, Thomas succeeded him in managing the enterprise which did a healthy business during the war not only in manufacturing round shot but conical bullets. This shot tower still stands today and can be toured.
In this letter to his sister “Caddy,” Thomas relates the events of the last three weeks when Gov. Curtin called on the The Gray Reserves to muster into State Service for the defense of the state against Lee’s September 1862 invasion that culminated in the Battle of Antietam.
A sketch of the Thomas W. Sparks Shot Tower in Philadelphia
Transcription
Darby [Pennsylvania] September 28, 1862
Dear sister Caddy,
I do not remember whether I am indebted to you for the last letter or you to me, however, I just feel like dropping you a few lines.
Since I wrote you last, our dear old State has been in danger of invasion by the rebels. Now, however, the danger is no more present. When Gov. Curtin called upon the men to arm themselves to proceed to the southern border, the “Gray Reserves” at once went to work to prepare for their duty. The day after the Proclamation was received in this city, the board of officers offered the services of the regiment to the Governor. The captains of companies were directed to fill up their ranks to prepare fore leaving the city at an hour’s notice. All the company armories were kept open all day and night until 10 P. M. Drilling was constant. New members were proposed and elected. The “Roll” was so soon filled in our company (A) that numbers of our members had to be put off with promises for vacancies should they occur. My peculiar business Bullet making) being the only one in Pennsylvania prevented my shouldering my musket but i nevertheless spent nearly all the time at the armory (being secretary of the Co.) assisting in the work of preparation.
On Monday (the 15th) the boys started for West Philadelphia Depot of the Pennsylvania Railroad Co. They left 7th & Market Street about half past 6 P. M. down to Chestnut, up Chestnut to 12th, up 12th to Arch, up Arch to 21st, down 21st to Market, up Market Street [ ] the bridge to a gate opposite the Darby Road. It was a very war, afternoon & some of the men suffered severely from the fatigue in carrying their knapsacks &c. They had not yet become accustomed to the work. I carried the musket for one of our men part of the time.
The cars left West Philadelphia about 8 P. M. for Harrisburg. The balance of the trip to the battlefield of Maryland I will allow two of my friends to relate to you in their own words. Lieut. [George F.] Delleker & private Jacob [H.] Donaldson wrote me a sketch of their adventures & I now enclose them for your perusal. Please return them to me when next you write.
In obedience to an order from Capt. Smith, I called (the day after the departure of the regiment) a meeting of the remaining active associate & contributing members of Co. A to be held at the armory for the purpose of organizing a Company A, No. 2. The object which was to be for constant daily drills, to fill up vacancies in the ranks of the company in the state service, & for service at home in case their services might be needed.
Although the notice was so short that members did not receive their notification till too late, about 50 members met and signed the roll under the call. An election was held & 3rd Lieutenant Bethell was chosen Captain, Sergeant Sears was chosen 1st Lieutenant, and Corporal Sparks was chosen 2nd Lieutenant. The Captain at once appointed non-commissioned officers, secretaries and treasurers, and then the Co. A, No. 2 was organized. Until the regiment returned home, we have had drills every afternoon (except Saturday and Sundays) and Wednesday & Friday nights.
My family being out of town, I did not attend on the night drills but was very constant and attentive to those in the afternoon. As my election as 2nd Lieutenant was by acclamation & as my 2 superior officers were old soldiers (the Captain an old Washington Grays of Philadelphia and the 1st Lieutenant for a long time an active member of the Tompkins Blues of New York), I felt rather embarrassed at first. But at it I went drilling and studying alternatively until I began to feel more confidence in myself. As the civil business of the company had all been left in my charge by the officers who ha gone with the company, I was kept very hard at work & my own business pretty brisk at the same time left me not a leisure moment.
I was heartily glad when I read the news that the regiment was at Harrisburg last Wednesday night on its way home. On Thursday morning last, the boys arrived at West Philadelphia Station at 8:30 A. M. They looked like veterans who had seen service, I assure you. Our Old Captain (about 64 years old) looked like a very old “mustache.” All [were] tanned dark and with unshaven faces. The members of the regiment (those like myself who had stayed at home) formed an escort which with Birgfeld’s Brass Band, preceded the regiment on its way to 7th & Arch Street by the same route it had taken when they left home. The officers of Co. A, No. 2, were the officers of the escort, all however in citizen’s clothes. When our company returned to the Armory, they found a cold collation (with plenty of hot coffee) prepared for them.
I waited on the table for about 1 and a half hours. The poor fellows seemed almost famished. They had so little to eat during the 10 days they ha been in service that (with the exception of what they took with them in their haversacks), some of them asserted they eat more at this collation than they had during the whole time I have mentioned.
“The women of Boonsboro had to close their doors and windows as the rebel army passed through their town. The scent was so very disagreeable that anyone in search of them can smell them at a great distance.”
— Thomas Sparks, September 1862
The service rendered by 2 regiments of the Philadelphia Reserve Brigade have been very valuable, although our regiment (the 1st Grays) have not come in contact with the enemy, they were in his immediate vicinity. At Boonsboro they were on the left wing of McClellan’s Army and when on the road between Hagerstown and Williamsport, they were part of the right wing of the same army. They occupied on one occasion part of the field of battle of the previous day. When passing through the deserted camp grounds f the rebel army, they had to use great care that they did not carry off with them some of those insects usually denominated “soldier bugs.” From all accounts, I am satisfied that the rebel soldiers are a very filthy and licentious set of rascals. The women of Boonsboro had to close their doors and windows as the rebel army passed through their town. The scent was so very disagreeable that anyone in search of them can smell them at a great distance.
The effect of this service on the members of the regiment will no doubt be good. The different individuals now know what they can endure in the way of hardships. Some who had been in the service for 3 months last year say that they have undergone more in the ten days of service just past than they did in the 3 months under Gen. Patterson. Another benefit is that the newspaper press & the community will cease their sneers at the Reserves, Home Guard, and other such organizations of citizens who are willing to devote their leisure & means for the military protection of Philadelphia again. The members of the regiment and of the different companies have had an opportunity of testing the merits of their officers. Should they again be called on by the authorities for such a tour of duty, several changes will have to be made. They find that even some West Pointers are not all the right sort of stuff for commanding a regiment in the field.
I fear, Caddy, that I will tire you out with my military hobby Wifey is first rate. The baby is progressing finely & all the rest are very well & desire their love to be sent to theit dear Aunty & to Uncle Peter, to whom I desire my salutations be given.
Yours affectionately, — Thos. Sparks
Monday, September 29th 1862
P. S. I ought to state that Old Darby has redeemed itself. About 4/5 of the voters of the Borough formed a company & went up to Harrisburg. They were with some of the other companies from Delaware County formed into a regiment, viz. the 16th Penna. Militia. The Darby Captain, Charley Litzenberg (the village blacksmith) was made Major of the regiment. The regiment was sent down the Cumberland Valley to Hagerstown (Md.). On one occasion there was a sudden alarm. They were ordered to for a “line of battle” but lo and behold, they had no ammunition. However, the enemy did not come but one of our Darby Rangers named “Liah”—the barkeeper of the “Buttonwood”—lost what little sense he had before possessed. The consequence was he had to be sent home “crazy.”
The Darby Rangers are tonight to be presented with a flag by the ladies & to have a supper by the men that “staid at home.” Mr. Ellis, Mr. Neal, Plick___, and your humble servant will be “on hand.”
It is said that during the 10 days’ campaign, the Friends Meeting House had very few male attendants—so many had gone to the war.
We have a large army hospital in our neighborhood, viz: the “Summit House” near the [St. James] Episcopal Church, Kingsessing. The good people of the neighborhood are very attentive to the poor, sick, and wounded soldiers there. The ladies and children have fairs to raise the means to assist in obtaining extra comforts, &c.
As breakfast is ready, I must now close. Yours truly, — Thomas Sparks
A post war image of the St. James Episcopal Church in Kingsessing (near Philadelphia). The church was used as a refuge for poor, sick, and wounded soldiers after the Battle of Antietam.
This incredible letter of the Battle of Antietam was written by James Curtis Emmons (1835-1870), the son of Marsh Emmons (1801-1878) and Mary Abigail Nye (1803-1892) of East Hartland, Hartford county, Connecticut. Before he enlisted in his country’s service, James made a living as a farmer and teacher. He was also married to Orcelia Nye Persons (1837-1902) in 1859 and had his first child before marching off to war.
When James enlisted in Co. E, 16th Connecticut Regiment on 1 August 1862, he was soon after commissioned a 2d Lieutenant of his company. We learn from his letter that—like so many others—he became ill within the first few weeks of his service but checked himself out of the hospital over the objections of his surgeon in order to be with his company in their first fight—the Battle of Antietam. The regiment was ill-prepared for battle, having hardly had the opportunity to fire their rifles or practice battlefield maneuvers. Lt. Emmons survived his baptism of fire in John Otto’s 40 Acre Cornfield but later in the year—shortly after the Battle of Fredericksburg—he tendered his resignation. He died on 7 April 1870 at East Hartland, Connecticut.
For a great article of the 16th Connecticut at Antietam with quotes from various members of the regiment interleaved throughout, readers are referred to Lesley Gordon’s “Bad Luck Regiment: The 16th Connecticut Infantry,” published on History Net.
Thinking perhaps a letter from your truant nephew might be acceptable, I take advantage of lying on my back in the hospital to write you a few lines. This is the second time I have been in the hospital since we left Connecticut. We left Hartford the 29th of August, arrived in Washington late at night of the 31st. The next day we were sent to Fairfax Seminary some eight miles from Washington. we arrived here just at night and at the commencement of a heavy shower. We were without tents or shelter of any kind but had to grin and bear it. In the daytime in was very hot and at night very cold.
In a day or two after we got there, I was detailed Officer of the Guard. The consequence of all this was I was attacked very severely with the cholera morbus. At one time the doctors thought I had the real shakes. While I was sick, the regiment was ordered to Maryland so I was left in the hospital. A week after the regiment started, I started after them contrary to the advice of the surgeon. I overtook them the morning of the 16th.
That night just before dark, we came under the fire of the enemy’s batteries for the first time. No one was killed in our regiment this time although the shells flew thick and fast. That night we lay within rifle shot of the enemy. Early in the morning we were greeted by a storm of shell and round shot, killing a number of men in our Brigade which is composed principally of Connecticut troops. One of our Hartland boys was wounded here. A shell passed between me and the sergeant ahead of me, bursting almost as soon was it passed us. There is no danger of a shell if it is a little past you when it bursts.
We were stationed the greater part of the day on a high hill in plain sight of nearly all of our own and the enemy’s forces and here we witnessed the most splendid artillery practice that ever was seen on this continent. Our artillery was decidedly superior to the enemy’s and that is the only thing in which we are superior. We silenced battery after battery and they would erect them on some other spot. We were on the left of Burnside’s Division and about four o’clock we were ordered into the advance as ever man in the Division was needed.
We forded the Antietam Creek [at Snavely’s Ford] under cover of Harland’s Battery. Soon after crossing we were fired upon by the enemy’s sharpshooters who were hid in a piece of corn and also by a battery. Some of our men were wounded and one or two killed. 1 The battery was soon silenced and we advanced directly in front of the enemy who were posted on a high ridge between which and us was a considerable of hollow. The enemy in front were concealed in ravines behind stone walls and in and behind a large cornfield. Into this [“40-Acre”] cornfield our regiment was ordered & into it we went and a storm of shell, round shot, railroad iron, grape shot, & bullets.
We remained under fire about half an hour when we retreated and not in very good order either. But we did not retreat until the 4th Rhode Island on our left set us the example and that too without losing near the men we did. We were a very green regiment. We had never formed a line of battle but once before, had had no opportunity to drill and in fact were as green as we would ever be. I think all things considered we did well. We had a number killed and a number of wounded have died. Our [illegible—smudged]…We had 4 captains killed, two wounded, several lieutenants killed or wounded. I had a good many narrow escapes, and was [nearly] struck by pieces of shell and by bullets several times but did not receive a scratch.
When we retreated, the enemy were on three sides of us. I have not room to write of the particular incidents at this time. You probably are aware that I obtained a Lieutenant’s commission in [ ] as I received my bounty and [illegible]…amount of $200. I shall send at least one hundred home and [illegible]. I trust nothing will happen to prevent this arrangement. I shall expect to hear from you soon. I was surprised to hear that Uncle Elijah was coming down as he [ ] one earlier in the season. I should like to see Thom. Give my respects to all. Write as soon as convenient and address to Lieut. Jas. C. Emmons, Co. E, 16th Regt. C. V., Washington D. C.
1 “By late afternoon, the 16th was sent south to try to outflank the Confederates and find a crossable ford on Antietam Creek. The men crossed the creek about a mile below Burnside Bridge, holding their guns and cartridge boxes high over their heads. Some later contended that the water was shoulder deep. After hurrying up the side of a hill to support a Union battery, officers ordered the men to hit the ground immediately. Rebel cannons took deadly aim on their position, pounding them with grape, canister and railroad iron. The hill’s crest protected most of the unit, but the artillery fire injured about a dozen of the men.” [Lesley Gordon, Bad Luck Regiment.]
I could not find an image of Didier but here is an early-war tintype of Pvt. Thomas Read, Co. E, 36th OVI who was killed at Cedar Creek, Virginia, on 19 October 1864. (Charles W. Darden III Collection)
These letters were written by Didier Gevrez (1844-1890) of Co. A, 36th Ohio Volunteer Infantry (OVI). [Didier’s surname is spelled Georez on the company roster.] Didier enlisted in the company on 11 August 1862. In December 1863, he would be joined by his half-brother Lafayette (1845-1878) in the same company. Both survived the war and mustered out with the regiment in the summer of 1865.
Didier’s three letters give us only a snippet of the history of the 36th OVI from the fall of 1862, following the battles at South Mountain and Antietam in which the 36th were engaged. In the latter battle, the regiment was part of the brigade that stormed and finally succeeded in crossing Burnside’s Bridge over Antietam Creek after the bloody repulses of the morning. After crossing, they advanced on Sharpsburg and helped check the Rebel advance of A. P. Hill’s men.
Didier was the son of Theodore Gevrez (1810-1891), of French heritage, who married Jane Smithson in Marietta, Ohio, in 1833. After the war, Didier returned to Ohio and become a farmer. He later moved to Kansas, settling in Johnson county.
[Note: These letters are from the collection of Jim Doncaster and are published by express consent.]
Letter 1
Clarksburg, Va. October 18th 1862
Dear Father,
I will write you a few lines to let you know that I am well. I received a letter from [brother] Lafayette the 16th. I was glad to hear that you was all well.
We went into camp on the Antietam the day after the battle, the 19th September. Stayed there till the 8th of October. Then we marched to Hagerstown 18 miles. Then 12 miles to Clear Springs. Then 14 miles to Hancock on the railroad. Got on the cars Friday night the 10th October. It rained all night and the next day. It was very dry before. We stayed on the cars at Hancock three nights. Then we run to Cumberland. [Stayed] there two nights, then to Clarksburg.
We got off the cars Thursday, 16th, and went into camp. I got twenty-nine dollars at Hancock and I will send it home to you when I get the rest. I think that we will get paid off soon now and I will send it all together. When I was on the cars coming through the folks was plowing and sowing wheat in Maryland. It’s a good wheat country. It was too dry for corn this year here. On some farms I seen two and three thousand bushels of wheat.
You have heard of the battles we had at South Mountain and Antietam. I have seen some papers—the Frank Leslie and Harper’s Weekly. They had a fair view of the Battle of Antietam where we charged across the bridge and up the hill and towards Sharpsburg. I got a Cincinnati paper the day we got here. It had a letter that General Cox wrote. He commanded the Division then. He left a week ago last Sunday for Kanawha. I have not heard from there lately. We don’t hear much—only when we get papers. Some of them gets papers from Marietta every week here.
I don’t know how long we will stay here or how soon we may leave. When I get my money, I will write again. I have been cutting hair ten cents a head. Yesterday I but 13. I am called out to cut hair again so I will close till next time. There is five sutlers here. Guitteau and son is here. They sell things very high, all of them. There is lots of little boys fetch in pies and sell them at ten cents each, butter fifteen cents, eggs 12 1/2.
Yours, — Didier Gevrez
Co. A, 36th OVI Clarksburg, Virginia
Letter 2
Clarksburg, Virginia October 20th 1862
Dear Father,
I will write you a few lines this morning. I sent you fifteen dollars and an order for twenty-nine dollars by Theodore. The twenty-nine was to be left at Marietta so you could get it but the pay roll was not made out right. That pay roll was made out when we was at Munson Hill the 4th of September. I got my twenty-nine dollars at Hancock the 12th of October and half a month’s pay the 12th. The pay master is paying off the regiment now. The boys get six months pay. Captain J[ohn A.] Palmer is going home and I will send my money by him. He is going to take the money for his company. I will send you thirty dollars this time and one dollar of the new kind of money they have for change.
We had a little frost this morning and there was two companies of volunteers come in this morning for the 11th Regiment OVI. They came from Camp Dennison. One of them told me that the camp was full of drafted men and they were being sent off to fill up old regiments.
No more at this time. I am going to Clarksburg this afternoon. It is a mile from here.
Yours respectfully, — Didier Gevrez
Co. A, 36th Regt. OVI
George Barker, Levi Putnam, Frank Duval and some more just came into camp.
Letter 3
Camp on the Kanawha 32 Miles above Charlestown
Dear Father,
I will write you a few lines this evening. We was two days marching from Summerville here, 33 miles. I was up to see the 92nd Regiment. They are camped at Gauley Bridge, 3 miles above here. They are all well and I eat dinner with Capt. Dudley and Jude Chamberlain. Jude is the sutler of the 92nd. They keep one company to work round the camp at a time. They had Unn Robison in the guard house for getting tight. He found a pint of whiskey while he was at work cleaning off the ground where there was an old tent and some other things. The 21st Regiment is camped above the 92nd and the 4th Virginia. Joe McGuire is in the 4th Virginia. I seen him. He is big as anybody. I expect we will go down the river some place to winter. I think the fighting is about over this winter.
Charlestown, Virginia November 19th 1862
I will write you a few more lines. We are camped on the Kanawha at Charlestown. We left Clarksburg 25th of October. Went to Summerville, 101 miles. Got there the 2nd of November and left the 11th and got here yesterday, 65 miles from Summerville.
The 36th Regiment has been round. Capt. Palmer got here the same night we got into camp. He fetched Peter Hockenbery and William Rodes. They are handcuffed and in the guard house. Thomas Jackson came too. He told me that you talked of coming out here when we get into camp where we will stay awhile. I think we will go into winter quarters pretty soon. Then I will write to you and let you know.
I seen some of the Kanawha salt works. They are making salt by wholesale at some of the wells and some was burnt by the rebels. The wells are from Camp Piat 10 miles to Charlestown all along the river as thick as the oil wells on Duck Creek. No more at this time.
I could not find an image of Samuel Clayton but this chisel-faced, hardened soldier matches my imagination of his appearance. (Paul Loane Collection)
These two diaries were kept by 60 year-old Samuel Clayton (1803-1891)—a private in Co. D, 95th Pennsylvania Infantry (a.k.a., “Gosline’s Zouaves”). Samuel enlisted on 4 September 1861 and he was discharged on a surgeon’s certificate on 26 March 1864.
Samuel was married to Rebecca Scott in the early 1830’s while living in New Jersey. By 1850 he was employed as a watchman in Philadelphia and was the father of at least five children, his eldest son named David. In 1860, he was residing in Philadelphia’s 2nd Ward and employed as a stevedore—a job well-suited for his duties as a teamster in the military service and to which he returned after the Civil War.
In the back are handwritten notes in blue ink “my grandfather‘s book, name is Samuel Clayton was in Civil War, I am his granddaughter. My name is Rebecca McConnell, 1104 S 31st St. Phila. Pa.” Located in the front: “My grandfather was Samuel Clayton—was in the soldier home at Hampton Rd., Virginia.” Also written in front “my grandfather Samuel Clayton’s war book the Civil War, Rebecca Johnson, granddaughter.” Samuel Clayton eldest daughter, Loretta Clayton (1833-1910) seems to have been married to William Blake in 1860 and later to John McConnell who died prior to 1888. Rebecca McConnell was their daughter.
Curiously, Samuel Clayton makes absolutely no mention of his family throughout either of the diaries until the last page of the second diary whereupon he actually wrote his wife a letter, perhaps in conjunction with his sending the diary home for safekeeping. He mentions sending money “home” a few times in his diaries but there are no references to letters sent or received from his family, no mention of anxieties about home and family, nor to any particular family members that I was able to recognize. Neither does he express any opinions or views upon the war aims, its progress, or his attitude toward slavery or the Black race in general, except to say in one entry (on 30 October 1862), “a Black man called me a Son of a Bitch & I forgave him.”
Though Samuel was not identified as a teamster in the company records (as fas as I can tell), his diary entries make it clear that he was often called upon to drive the baggage trains and to fetch rations, supplies, and building materials for the regiment with his mule team, as was customary with soldiers of that age. Most of the time, however, he seems to have encamped with the regiment and been near them in their marches—usually behind but sometimes ahead of the regiment and perhaps in company with other regiments in the 6th Army Corps wagon trains. If he participated in any battles, with the exception of guerrilla raids on their wagon trains or being under attack by Confederate shelling—he did not say so in his diary entries. His diary entries frequently mention visiting the scenes in the aftermath of battles and seeing the wounded. His observations at Burkittsville following the Battle at Crampton’s Gap in mid-September 1862 are particularly poignant.
[Note: Samuel’s handwriting was difficult to read and I have done the best I could to faithfully transcribe his writing as accurately as possible, making only slight grammatical but extensive spelling corrections so as to enable the reader to more easily digest his meaning. I have attempted to identify all of the places mentioned in the diaries but, not being familiar with this part of Virginia—particularly Culpeper county—I have asked my friend and fellow historian Clark Hall to review the diaries and provide me with any corrections and observations he may choose to share for which I am grateful and anxiously await his input.]
Samuel Clayton’s two pocket diaries. The smaller diary measures 3×5 inches and has daily entries from 16 January 1862 to 16 January 1863. The larger diary measures 3.5×6 inches and has daily diary entries from 22 August 1863 to 14 December 1863. The smaller diary is missing the back cover and closing flap.
1862 Diary Entries
Left Philadelphia October 12, 1861. Arrived at Kendall Green [two miles north of the U.S. Capitol Building] on October 13th. December 13th, John Johnson was shot. Oct. 29th—Left Kendall Green for Bladensburg.
January 16, 1862—We got our stove.
January 17—We went out on picket. Signed the pay roll.
January 21—Sent home 20 dollars. Came of picket. Co. H presented the Colonel with a sword & belt.
January 23—Went on picket.
January 28—Got our leggings.
March 5th [1862]—The 10th left Camp Franklin and arrived at Fairfax at 7 o’clock in the afternoon.
12th—Three days living on crackers and no coffee. No meat.
13th—We got some coffee and bread.
14th—We left Fairfax and encamped in the roadside for the night.
15th—Arrived at Camp Franklin. It rained all night on the march. Our clothes being wet through when we arrived at Camp Franklin, we were flooded out of our tents with the rain.
22nd—Drew a new cap and pants and pocket.
30th—Arrived at Camp Franklin about 6 o’clock afternoon.
25th—Reviewed by General McDowell
27th—Reviewed by General [Mc]Clellan.
28th—Serenaded General McClellan. Here the Seminary where he made a speech to all of the regiments between the hours of nine and ten o’clock at night.
A 95th Pennsylvania Kepi belonging to Joseph Greeley who also served in Co. D; the sixth-plate ambrotype is of another member of the 95th but is unidentified (Bruce Hermann Collection)
29th—Dress parade and Brigade drill. It snowed in the afternoon. The regiment fired blank cartridges. Gen. McClellan made a speech to the 95th [Pennsylvania] Regiment. “Comrades, I have come to thank you for the present and the past and the future. The past for the excellent discipline which is a credit to Philadelphia and the army, and as far as I am personally concerned, for the pleasant smiles and kind faces with which [you] have greeted me. The present for your kindness coming here tonight. The future for I know from what I seen of you this morning and from what faces I [can] see by the light of the lantern, that on the battlefield, when I want a regiment to fight with me—and die with me—I can call on you to the last man. Can I not? Cheers after cheers of “Yes!” [He went on,] “It may not come to that, I think we can conquer them without that. But if it does come to that, I will expect you to do it.” “Three cheers for General McClellan and for Philadelphia!”
[March] 30th [1862]—Thunder in afternoon. Read an account of the Powder Explosion [at] Tenth & Read Streets, Philadelphia, where a number of lives were lost.
31st—Reviewed by Governor [Andrew] Curtin at the Seminary at half past three o’clock in the afternoon.
April 5th—Marching orders this morning to leave at nine o’clock. Received three days rations. The morning wet. At 11 o’clock, orders countermanded by Colonel [John M.] Gosline.
April 6th—Packed knapsacks ready for marching. The morning fine. Cooked our own coffee for breakfast. Left Camp Franklin about nine in the morning and halted at the Orange Railroad. When we arrived, there was two men who were arrested for selling liquor to the soldiers—one of them acting as Second Lieutenant. Having his stripes cut off, they were tied with a piece of strong rope and a guard put over them. About three o’clock we started by railroad cars for Bulls Run and Manassas and about 6 o’clock the cars of the 18th Regiment broke down when there was a number lamed. Our regiment being ahead of them came in. Parted about half past nine o’clock when we had one man killed and some others wounded—Mc. being one of them and the other man’s name McDade. The rest I did not know. The man that was killed was a shocking sight to see. We arrived at Manassas about one o’clock and stopped in the cars all night until morning when we started for Bristoe Station—a distance of 8 miles—where we pitched tents for the night. We arrived about four o’clock in the afternoon when it commenced raining and snowed all the time and us living on the damp ground. [We were] ordered to dig trenches round our tents to let the flood away.
[April] 8th—Orders to draw three days rations.
11th—Marching orders from Camp Bristoe. Marched about 6 miles when they were countermanded to return back to Alexandria.
12th—Ready for the start. The morning fair. Left Camp Bristoe about nine o’clock in the morning. Marched to Manassas and Bulls Run, and arrived at Fairfax about 6 o’clock in the afternoon. We slept in the woods all night.
13th—Left Fairfax about 7 o’clock and arrived at Camp Franklin at 3 o’clock in the afternoon, being well tired of our march.
16th—Got orders to go and guard on the Leesburg Turnpike.
17th—Returned at eight o’clock from guard duty. Orders to ship at Alexandria for Yorktown. The day fine. We started and left camp at nine o’clock and arrived in Alexandria about two in the afternoon when we took our place on board of the steamship, State of Maine.
18th—Hoisted anchor and started down the [Potomac] river.
19th—Cast anchor at Shipping Point about nine o’clock. A large number of troops in the river. We are waiting orders. We received our pay about 7 o’clock in the afternoon.
21st—Sent home 20 dollars in charge of Capt. [Jacob H.] Beattes and signed for [John] Johnson to get paid out of the company funds.
May 1st 1862—The morning dark and [looks] like rain.
May 2nd—The morning dark like rain. Orders of General Newton [for] all officers [&] men to go ashore and the regiment to commence drill as usual.
4th—To pack all up. Inspection of arms. Knapsacks came on board. Afternoon, the Rebels evacuated Yorktown and our sentry are outside of theirs.
5th—Our troops in possession of Yorktown. The place seems well fortified. The day wet. Are still on board the steamboat. They spiked some of the guns before they left.
6th—Still on board. The morning fine. Yorktown fortified in all directions the best I ever seen. It is situated on a hill close by the riverside. Some fine houses in it. We laying close by the river. About eight o’clock all well. Getting three days rations. We are on our way to Richmond.
7th—Landed about 8 o’clock at West Point. One man shot on picket. Orders to skirmish through the woods. We went about seven o’clock in the morning. We fell in with companies of Rebels which commenced heavy firing on both sides. We had our Captain wounded and some of our men. There was one captain had his horse shot from under him.
8th—Under arms. Ready for the battle. The day fine. We had reinforcements. The enemy uses our wounded bad. A detail sent after our dead.
9th—The morning fine. Some word of us moving from here. Two of our company missing. Corporal Naghes [Jacob Knorr?] wounded. Private [John L.] Hanna. Orders at one o’clock. We marched about three miles through the woods where we pitched tents. Our gunboats laying close by.
10th—The regiment under orders at four o’clock in the morning. All well. Country looks nice.
11th—The morning fine. Marching orders at eight o’clock. Received two days rations. Left camp about eight o’clock. Marched about three miles where we pitched tents for the night. Seen Gen. McClellan in the afternoon.
12th—The morning fine. All well. We are encamped in the woods. A detail sent out after one of our men named [James] Sweeney [who was] shot by the enemy and buried him. Day warm.
13th—The morning fine. We left camp about 5 o’clock in the morning. Marched about 10 miles where we formed a line of battle close by the enemy. We arrived about three o’clock in the afternoon. The day warm. All well.
14th—The companies under arms at four o’clock in the morning. We are encamped close by the Pamunkey River.
15th—Morning wet. The regiment under arms at 4 o’clock in the morning. Marched eight miles and pitched tents at the White House. Arrived at 9 o’clock.
16th—The morning fair. We are encamped on the farm of Colonel Lee which is a nice place. He owns a large number of slaves.
17th—The morning fair. Orders to march at 11 o’clock. The day warm. Three days rations in haversacks.
18th—The morning fair. Inspection of arms. All well.
19th—Left camp at six o’clock in the morning. Marched about 5 miles. We pitched tents. The day wet.
20th—The morning fine. Left camp about three o’clock. We marched five miles where we pitched tents for the night.
21st—The morning fine. Under orders at 4 o’clock in morning. Orders to march at 7 o’clock in the morning. Looks like rain. The country looks pretty. Left camp at 7 o’clock. Arrived at camp a distance of 7 miles. The day warm. We pitched tents for the night.
22nd—The morning fine. All well and the balloon ascension this morning.
[“On May 22nd Lowe had his small one-man balloon, the Excelsior, quickly inflated by the 4thMaine and began taking officers up, one at a time, for a look at the new surroundings. Lowe himself reported having a fine view of Richmond seeing the streets, churches, and people moving about the town. Although the area was heavily wooded, maps of the roads leading into Richmond and the location of the observed Rebel positions and fortifications were made and continually updated with new information. Large troop movements in and out of Richmond were easily observed.” Civil War Ballooning During the Seven Days Campaign]
23rd—The morning fine. All well.
24th—The morning dark like rain. Balloon ascension about 5 o’clock.
25th—Orders to march in the morning. Left camp about ten o’clock. Marched three miles. We pitched tents in the woods. The country looks handsome. Ordered to go on picket. The regiment left camp about 6 o’clock afternoon. We marched about three miles when we pitched tents in the woods all night. All well.
26th—We still remained on picket. The 96th [Pennsylvania] Regiment relieved us about five o’clock afternoon. We marched for camp about three miles.
27th—The morning wet and all well.
28th—The morning fine. All well.
29th—The morning fine. All well. Company inspection afternoon.
30th—The morning dark. Little rain. All well. Tremendous thunderstorm and rain in the afternoon.
31st—The morning dark like rain. All well.
June 1st 1862—The company called out at half past twelve o’clock at night for the purpose of building bridges. Returned to camp at 7 o’clock in the morning. All well.
2nd—The morning fine. All well.
3rd—All well, The morning fine. Heavy thunder and rain last night. Received our new guns.
[The Austrian rifle with four-square bayonet was exchanged for the Springfield Rifle]
4th—Orders to go on picket. Our regiment got relieved by the 3rd New Jersey Regiment.
5th—The morning dark like rain.
6th—All well. The morning dark like rain.
7th—Balloon ascension this afternoon.
8th—All well. The morning fine.
9th—The morning fine.
10th—The morning wet. All well.
11th—The morning like rain. All well. Company drill.
12th—The morning fine. Orders to go on picket duty at 9 o’clock.
13th—The morning fine. We got relieved by the 27th [Pennsylvania] Regiment.
14th—The morning fine. All well.
15th—The morning fine. We changed our camp ground in the afternoon. The evening wet.
16th—The morning fine. Going on picket.
17th—We got relieved in the morning by the 5th Maine Regiment. We returned to camp. All well.
18th—Morning fine. All well. Orders to move. All ready.
19th—Left camp this morning & marched about 6 miles. We pitched tents on the other side of the Chickahominy river.
20th—The morning fine. All well.
21st—Company under arms at 3 o’clock in the morning. Went on road building.
22nd—The morning fine. All well. Heavy firing on the left wing this morning.
23rd—The morning fine. Sent 20 dollars home. Company under arms at 3 o’clock.
24th—The company under arms at 3 o’clock. Morning dark.
25th—The morning fair. Near Fair Oaks, the Rebels shelled us but done no harm.
26th—Still at the same place.
27th—Packed up & marched for Savage Station. The Colonel [Gosline] & Major [Hubbs] died that morning. [Battle of Gaines’s Mill]
28th—Still on the march. The rebels following in the rear.
29th—Still on the march. The Rebels in the rear.
30th—Still on the march. The Rebels in rear.
July 1st—Still on the march, The Rebs in the rear.
July 2—Still on march. In line of battle. Forming in our rear, the Rebels driven back with great loss.
3rd—Arrived at City Point. The Rebels in our rear & afraid to attack us.
Members of Co. D, 95th Pennsylvania Vols. shown on the skirmish line with their new Springfield Rifles in the summer or fall of 1862 (Ronn Palm Collection)
4th—We took up our line of march. The Rebels retreating back. Received reinforcements of 20,000 troops and took 6 batteries, 5,000 prisoners. The band playing our National air Yankee Doddle.
5th—The weather fair. All quiet. The regiment called to arms at 3 o’clock in the morning.
6th—The morning fair. All hands well & quiet. We moved Sunday night. All quiet.
7th—We moved 1 mile further. Nothing new.
8th—At the same place. All quiet. The regiment out on fatigue duty the night before. Came in at 4 o’clock in the morning & Bill Clayton came to see me.
9th—Still laying in the same place. All quiet and all hands well.
10th—All well. The weather very hot. Gen. Robert Patterson arrived with his regiment.
11th—Morning clear. Rain in the afternoon. Nothing new. Rebels retreated.
12th—Morning wet. The regiment went about 2 miles out on picket duty. I went to the landing and David McGulgan wounded in the arm.
13th—Sunday morning fair. All hands well.
14th—The morning fair. A salute fired for the arrival of General Burnside.
15th—All quiet and the weather fair.
16th—The weather fair until night when it rained torrents. All quiet.
17th—The morning fair. Everything quiet. The regiment on picket.
18th—The morning fair.
19th—Same as before.
20th—The morning fair but very warm. Nothing new.
21st—The morning fair. Two soldiers buried from 31st Regt. New York Vols.
22nd & 23rd—All well. One from the 18th N. Y. Vols. buried on the 23rd of July.
24th—The weather cloudy. Buried two soldiers from the New Jersey Regiment.
25th—Friday, the weather fair. Nothing new.
26th—Morning fair and warm. Rain at night. Thomas [S.] White died and was buried the same day with sun stroke.
27th—Sunday morning fair. The regiment out on picket. Nothing new.
28th—The morning fair. All quiet.
29th—Morning dreary. The day cloudy & warm. Nothing new.
30th—The weather cloudy and with rain. Nothing new.
31st—Rainy. Nothing new.
August 1, 1862—The rebels opened their batteries on us at 1 o’clock in the morning killing some men & some horses. Our batteries opened on them with siege guns and made them run double quick. The weather fair & warm.
August 2nd, Saturday—Nothing new. All quiet.
3rd, Sunday—All quiet. Went back in the evening.
4th, Monday—The morning fair. All quiet. Nothing new.
5th, Tuesday—The morning fair. There was heavy firing and a battle on Malvern Hill. Rebels defeated with great loss, the cavalry bringing in 27 prisoners and our [troops] have the Rebels surrounded.
6th—The morning fair and very warm. Nothing new.
7th—The day fair & very hot. Our regiment out on picket duty. Came in on the 8th.
8th—The 31st & 9th going on picket. Weather very warm. The quarter master arrived at camp and William Haveland send to the hospital, being very sick.
9th—Weather very warm—warm enough to knock a man down in the sun. Our regiment ordered out to march but the orders were countermanded and all the knapsacks taken away & do not know where they are going to. Same orders but are countermanded. In same place.
10th—Weather very hot. Nothing new. Still got marching orders.
11th—Same as yesterday.
12th—The weather warm and we had 1 of our men to die from sun stroke. His name Thomas White.
13th—We are ready to move but did not go.
14th—Morning fair. Same as yesterday.
15th—Started and traveled all night. Came to a halt. Camped on a field near the road.
16th—Started again & traveled through Williamsburg & had a view of the battleground. Came to a stop to feed & rest all night.
17th—Stopped on a field for the night.
18th—Traveled all day & arrived at Yorktown.
19th—Traveled all day and arrived at Newport News & we expect to rest two days after traveling 100 miles. We did not lose a man on the road & we rested on the 20th.
21st—Marched to Hampton Roads & me & messmates went to look at the ruins that the Rebels left behind them. Marched back to Newport News in the afternoon.
22nd—Morning wet. Was ordered on board the steamboat J. A. Warner. We traveled on board.
23rd—Still on steamer. Arrived at Alexandria after traveling 120 miles. Laid on the river all night.
24th—Still on board. We are at Alexandria, we laying at anchor all night.
25th—Went on shore at 6 o’clock in the morning. We moved to the Little River Turnpike 2 miles from Alexandria.
26th—Morning fair. We went into Alexandria. Got dinner & whiskey & it cost 7 dollars apiece.
27th—Weather fair. Still laying at same place.
28th—Same as yesterday. The Rebels cut the Jersey Regiment to pieces. The Gen. Taylor lost his leg in the battle near Bull Run.
29th—Started from Alexandria & arrived Annandale. Laid in the wagon all night.
30th—We started & marched from Annandale to Fairfax & we were surrounded by troops consisting of artillery, cavalry, & infantry. There is no end of their coming. We have Stonewall Jackson surrounded [but] with all this, he managed to get out through McDowell. We had to fall back to Centreville. We took 1,000 prisoners but lost many an officer besides many killed & wounded of our men.
31st—The weather stormy. We fell back with our wagon train which was shelled while on the march. We had two horses & 1 man killed.
A great photograph shared from the collection of David Holcomb of a 3rd Corps Supply Wagon such as might have driven by Samuel Clayton. The wagons were often pulled by six mules and the driver rode one of the mules.
September 1st [1862]—The weather cloudy. We stopped at Fairfax and made our coffee and traveled on our way and reached Alexandria in the afternoon.
2nd—We marched to Camp Misery on the Potomac River. Stopped for the night.
3rd—We took up line of march and came through Alexandria and arrived at our old Camp Franklin and it being 6 months that we left it.
4th—The morning fair and all quiet.
5th—The morning fair and all quiet. Regiment came in from picket.
6th—The morning fair and all quiet and pitched tents on Camp Franklin. Received marching orders to move at a minute’s notice. Left camp at 8 o’clock and crossed the bridge over the Potomac and past the Washington buildings at 12 o’clock and traveled on the road all night and arrived in Maryland about 2 o’clock in the morning and all well and traveled about 10 miles to Georgetown Heights.
8th—Took up line of march & marched 9 miles & encamped on the road. The morning fair. We marched through Rockville about 9 o’clock in the morning. A large town. Halted on a hill for the night.
9th—Morning fair. Still marching at 8 o’clock & traveled all day & halted at night in a valley back of a woods. On Monday, had a fight with the Rebels while on the march and drove them. The next morning they drove in our pickets & fell back. We had our Division up in line of battle and our artillery stationed on a hill in front.
10th—Morning cloudy. All well & our army still in line of battle. We passed through Dawsonville.
11th—Morning cloudy. On the march about 8 o’clock and passed by the Sugar Loaf Mountains & in full chase after the Rebels.
12th, Tuesday—Marched 15 miles. The weather cloudy. Got orders to march. Our pickets drove in the Rebel pickets, killing two of their cavalry & planting the flag on the Sugar Loaf Mountain. The Rebels are entrenching on the Monocacy. Defeat of Ashby’s Cavalry, they losing 15 killed. Do not know how many wounded. We lost 7 killed, 1 wounded. 36 Rebel prisoners. Commenced the march at 9 o’clock. On our road, took the Rebel Gen. Hill. Marched 20 miles. Passed through Heights Town and encamped.
13th—We getting ready to march our men on ahead fighting, we passed Sugar Loaf & [Ca]Tocton Mountain, crossed the Creek Monocacy & a large mill at top of a hill. Passed our wounded through Buckeystown and encamped on the road at the foot of the Blue Ridge Mountain.
Artist’s rendering of the Battle at Crampton’s Gap. The town of Burkittsville was filled with wounded soldiers—mostly Rebels—who were treated in makeshift hospitals. Over a dozen buildings in the town, including its two churches, school house, barns, outbuildings, and houses were filled with wounded.
14th—After marching 8 miles, got up at 3 o’clock to march, the sun raising splendid & all well. No news from the front. We passed over the top of the Greble [Gambrill] Mountain. Traveled through Jeffersonville & stopped near the Alleghany where they was fighting—the cannon never ceasing. The Rebels defeated & driven back with a great loss. Our Brigade took 2 pieces of artillery. The Colonel [Roderick Matheson] & Major [George Frank Lemon] of the 32nd New York was wounded. We drove them from the top mountain [at Crampton’s Gap] & took 200 prisoners. Traveled 20 miles today.
15th, Monday—Morning fair. Ordered to march. Passed through Burkittsville & seen a sight that I never want to witness in my life again—the dead and dying. The groans of the wounded was awful. The churches and school house were full of wounded Rebels. There was only a few of our men there. The ambulances was busy fetching in the wounded all night. We have taken 1500 prisoners & killed about 600 of them. They make the Rebels bury their own dead & they asked us for tobacco which we gave them. Among the prisoners is majors, captains, and other officers. We encamped in a woods near Burkittsville. We took a walk over the battlefield & seen all the dead. Among the dead are 11 belonging to the 96th Pennsylvania & 4 to the 18th New York. We pitched tents in view of the battlefield and laid down to sleep.
16th, Tuesday—-Morning fair & all quiet. The Rebels not done burying their dead after two days hard work. It will take a week to finish. we take as much care of their wounded as we do of our own. Seen the burying of legs and arms that had been taken off the wounded. We passed through Crampton’s Gap on the Blue Ridge & came to a halt in the woods opposite Pleasant Valley where our regiment lay. We saw many a prisoner whilst on the way [who were] taken after the battle. we marched two miles.
17th—Morning fair. The battle [at Sharpsburg] raging all night, continued till morning. Took up a line of march at 8 o’clock and marched through Rohrersville. At 10 o’clock our men [had] driven the rebels very hard. Came to a halt on the road. The Rebels flying before the artillery, cutting them to pieces as they run. Encamped 1 mile above Rohrersville for the night.
18th—All quiet. Firing commenced at 8 o’clock. Rebs not to be found. We got ready to start at 12 o’clock on towards the battlefield. Came to a halt & parked in an apple orchard for the night.
19th—Morning fair. All quiet. Took up the march at 9 o’clock & passed through Sharpstown [Sharpsburg] at 10 o’clock & stopped on the battle ground & saw 42 Rebels in one place & also 22 of the 28th Pennsylvania buried in the woods near the battle ground. We saw thousands of dead Rebels on the battlefield unburied. We marched through Sharpstown [Sharpsburg] and got on the Ring Road. Encamped for the night. The Rebs crossed the river into Virginia.
20th—Morning cloudy. Getting ready for a march. Came to a halt in the woods. Then commenced firing on the Rebs while they were crossing.
21st—Morning foggy. Commenced packing up to move at 12 o’clock at night & did not march until 7 in the morning. Passed through Killingtonville & a Jones’ Crossroads. Came to a halt on the road for the night.
22nd, Monday—Morning fair. All quiet on the opposite side of the river. The Rebels waiting for a chance to cross. Men ready for them. Rebels laying dead on the field 6 days unburied. They turn black & swell so they cannot be touched. Our quartermaster [John Haviland] has resigned & expects to leave tomorrow.
23rd, Tuesday—Morning fair. Orders to move but was countermanded. 3 o’clock P. M., started and passed through a village called Mt. Moriah. Came to a halt in a field near the roadside & received a gift of apple butter from our quartermaster sergeant. We eat heartily. There was 4 spoonfuls for 8 men.
24th, Wednesday—Morning fair. All well. It turned to rain in the middle of the day. It is cold. we had apple dumplins, beef steaks, & fine potatoes for dinner. The Rebs are quiet since they got defeated in the last battle. The dead was so numerous that they burned them on Monday last on the battle ground.
25th, Thursday—Morning fair but very cold. All quiet. Still on the same ground.
26th, Friday—Morning cold. A frost. Cold evening. We halted on a hill.
27th—The morning fine. Still at same camp near Dam No. 4. All quiet. I had a good swim. Still at camp near Bakersville. Our regiment on picket at the canal.
28th, Sunday—Morning cloudy. All quiet. No news from front. Our regiment came in from picket.
29th, Monday—The morning fine. All quiet. Still at same camp near Bakersville.
30th—I saw a dozen coffins along the road—the friends after dead. Morning fair. Still at Bakersville. Nothing new. I went through Hagerstown. It is a nice little town. It has nice churches. There was 2 trains of cars came in while I was there.
October 1st—The morning fair. All quiet. Nothing new from headquarters. We heard two reports of cannons to the right of us, firing very fast. We do not know what it was.
2nd—Morning cloudy. All quiet. No news from headquarters. Drums beat for a long time & could not tell for what.
3rd—Morning fair. All quiet. Had a great time in putting up 3 field bedsteads in our tent. Our Division reviewed by the President & Little Mac & many citizens from the country around.
4th—The morning fair. All quiet. No news from the front. 15th New Jersey Infantry came in camp in a field near us. Balloon ascension.
[Thaddeus Lowe claimed he received no orders to take his observation balloon and equipment to Sharpsburg until the day after the battle. When he arrived, McClellan expressed regret that he had no been there to provide intelligence during the battle; Lowe used the opportunity to press for an independent command.]
5th, Sunday—All quiet. Morning fair.
6th. Morning fair. The regiment drew new tents. Got orders to move camp about 1 mile nearer Bakersville. Our pickets & Rebel pickets crossed & eat together & fished in the canal. They want peace as soon as it can be made.
7th—Morning fair. All quiet. Gave out new clothing. Had chicken stew & [ ] here for dinner.
8th—Morning fair. Weather hot as a man can bear it. On picket for two days. No news from [headquarters].
9th—Morning fair. All quiet. Under marching orders.
10th—Morning fair. All quiet. Our regiment came in from picket duty.
11th—Raining. All well. Still on the hill.
12th—Cloudy. All well. Blow out on pies.
13th—Cloudy. Nothing new. Expect to move every minute. Still in same place.
14th—Cloudy. All quiet. The report that several hundred Rebel Cavalry was captured.
15th—Morning cloudy. All quiet.
16th—The morning fair. All quiet. The regiment received their boxes. Contents were all ruined. Regiment out on Brigade drill.
17th—Morning fair. All quiet. Heavy firing on the right yesterday but could not ascertain what it was.
18th—The morning fair. All well. Regiment moved two miles from where we were encamped & went on picket duty. The Rebs crossed the river near Hancock [Maryland] with 5,000 men.
19th—Got orders to move & they were countermanded. Got our knapsacks & they were ransacked & nearly all the things that belonged to the men were stolen.
20th—The morning clear. All quiet. The regiment out on picket.
21st—Morning fair. All quiet. Took up our line of march at 9 o’clock. Passed through Donnington and encamped. We traveled 4 miles. Our regiment came in from picket. We laid down for the night. The wind was so strong that it blew our tents away.
22nd—The morning fair. The wind blowing a hurricane & the men half froze. We drew clothing.
23rd—The morning fair and all quiet.
24th—The morning fair. All quiet. We had a nice breakfast of boiled & fried eggs. Dinner, chicken pot pie.
25th—The morning fair. All quiet.
26th—The morning cloudy. Drizzling rain. We had orders to be readiness to march.
27th—The morning very cold. Raining torrents. The same orders today.
28th—The morning clear. Heavy frost.
29th—The morning clear. Orders to move back to Bakersville, the old camp ground.
30th—Clear. Took up the line of march & encamped on same ground that we left. Our fellow mess stole a sheep & we had some for breakfast and a Black man called me a Son of a Bitch & I forgave him.
31st—Clear. Took up the line of march. Passed through Bakersville, Smoketown, Jellysville, Akers Mill, & encamped near Crampton’s Gap, near the old battlefield. We traveled 12 miles.
November 1st [1862], Saturday—Clear. Packed up for line of march. Started at 8 o’clock. We sat on a log & reviewed about 30,000 troops [as they] passed by. It was a beautiful sight. Encamped on a hill near Harpers Ferry.
2nd—Took up the march. Passed through Berlingville, crossed the river over a pontoon bridge into Old Virginia. Passed though Lovettsville. Traveled 12 miles. Encamped for the night.
3rd—The morning clear and cold. Ready for march at 7 o’clock. Passed through Wheatingville, Lovettville. Encamped for night. Traveled 12 miles.
4th—Took up line of march at 7 o’clock and passed through Purcellville. Encamped on a hill near Louden. Traveled 17 miles.
5th—Took up march at 11 o’clock. Passed through Fetersonville & Bloomfield. Traveled 17 miles. Encamped on the road for the night.
6th—Morning cloudy & cool. Ready for march at 8 o’clock. Encamped near the railroad at White Plains.
7th—Morning cloudy. Snowing. Railroad cars pass by us. It snowed all day. It covered the ground.
8th—The morning clear. Ready to move. The regiment went on picket.
9th—Morning clear & cold. Ready for moving at 7 o’clock. Passed White Plain Station. Crossed Broad Run. Encamped near the road for night. Traveled 8 miles this day. Regiment came in from picket.
10th—The morning fair. All quiet. Ready to start. We did not move. Gen. McClellan passed & reviewed the troops. About 150 thousand formed in line along the roadside.
11th November, Tuesday—The weather fair and all quiet and still on the same camp ground.
12th November, Wednesday—Camp near New Baltimore. The morning cloudy and all quiet.
November 13, Thursday—The morning fair and all quiet. We captured two sheep for our dinner.
Friday, Nov. 14th 1862—The morning fair and all quiet. We dragged clothing.
Saturday, Nov. 15th—The morning clear and all quiet.
Sunday, Nov. 16th, 1862—The morning clear. We got ready for the march. We started at 8 o’clock and passed through New Baltimore and Greenwichville and passed Catlin Station, and encamped for the night in a field near the road.
Monday 17th, 1862—The morning wet and orders to move. We moved about 7 o’clock and marched about 5 miles and encamped on a field for the night.
Tuesday, Nov. 18th 1862—The morning cloudy and on the move. We passed Aquia Creek and marched 15 miles and encamped near the road side near Stafford Court House.
Wednesday, Nov. 19th—The morning rainy and all quiet, and a mule kicked on the arm. I had the pleasure to be shut up in Stafford Jail.
Thursday, Nov. 20th 1862—The morning rainy and all quiet.
Friday, Nov. 21st 1862—The morning rainy and all quiet. About four thousand men mending the roads. All the captains of the regiment have left us and gone home.
[Did the Captain’s resign out of protest of Gen. McClellan’s removal as commander of the Army of the Potomac?]
Saturday, 22nd 1862—The morning cloudy and all quiet.
Sunday, 23rd 1862—The morning clear and cool and all quiet. We took a walk around the country in the afternoon and we got some persimmons.
Monday, Nov. 24th 1862—The morning clear and cold and all quiet. A Grand Review by Gen. Brooks of all his Division.
Tuesday, 25th 1862—The morning clear and cold and all quiet and nothing new.
Wednesday 26th 1862—This morning cloudy and all quiet, and no news from Fredericksburg.
Thursday, Nov. 27th—Morning fair and clear. It being Thanksgiving Day, we had bean soup for dinner. We sat on a log and reviewed the troops and artillery of Sickle’s Division pass by us numbering about 15 thousand troops on their way towards Richmond.
Friday, Nov. 28, 1862—The morning fair and all quiet. Our Brigade marched forward about 5 o’clock towards Fredericksburg.
Saturday, Nov. 29—The morning clear. We took up our line of march at 8 o’clock and traveled about 5 miles and encamped on a field surrounded with woods.
Sunday, Nov. 30—The morning clear. We got orders to march back 2 miles and we camped in a field surrounded with woods and sat on a log and see about 60 thousand pass us.
December 1st 1862—The morning rainy and all quiet. Our regiment out on picket. 5 companies returned to camp.
Tuesday, December 2nd—The morning clear and nothing new. 5 companies still on picket and still on the same camp ground and I drew a knit jacket.
Wednesday, Dec. 3rd 1862—The morning cloudy and still in the same camp. 5 companies returned from picket and 5 went out to relieve them.
Thursday, Dec. 4th 1862—The morning clear and cold. We got orders to march. We took up our line of march at 5 o’clock in the morning. We came across Belle Plain and encamped on a field on the road. We traveled about 15 miles.
Friday, Dec. 5th 1862—The morning cloudy and all quiet. It commenced snowing and snowed all night. The 5 companies of our regiment still behind with the wagons.
Saturday, Dec. 6th—The morning clear and cold. There was about 4 inches of snow on the ground and nothing new from Headquarters. Our men being half starved. Our rations did not get in until late in the night.
Sunday, Dec. 7th 1862— The morning clear and cold, the men being half froze. We received our rations in the night. 5 of our companies still behind us. Nothing new from the front.
Monday, Dec. 8th 1862—The morning clear and cold and still in the same camp ground and nothing new from the front. The five companies still behind. The steamboats frozen in the Potomac River. No mail.
Tuesday, Dec. 9th 1862—The morning clear and cold. We got orders to move. [illegible] and can’t get any tobacco.
Wednesday, Dec. 10, 1862—The morning fair and still on the same camp ground. Orders to move.
Thursday, Dec. 11, 1862—The morning fair. We moved at 6 o’clock in the morning and marched about 5 miles and encamped on a field near the road. They commenced cannonading at daylight and continued until night.
Friday, Dec. 12th 1862—The morning was fair. Cannonading commenced early and kept up all night. The troops all crossed over the Rappahannock river.
Saturday, Dec. 13, 1862—The morning was cloudy. Cannonading commenced early in the morning—the hardest I ever heard. Went to the front with rations. Shelling very brisk. Shells passed over the mules & past our faces.
Dec. 14—Morning fair. Heavy cannonading. Heard that the 15th New Jersey ran away yesterday at the time our regiment was being relieved from the front. The Rebels charged upon a battery [but] the Jersey Brigade [commanded by Col. Torbert] repulsed them. Col. [William B.] Hatch of the 4th New Jersey has his leg shot off. Last night about 10 o’clock Gen. [Franz] Sigel and Gen. [Henry W.] Slocum crossed the river with their troops. There was very little going on yesterday.
Monday, Dec. 15th 1862—The morning fair. Firing commenced about 7 o’clock. It did not last long. Our regiment was on picket. Took rations down to them in the morning but could not give them out until late at night. I saw one regiment drilling on the battlefield.
“After our troops crossed, the rebels came out, jumped and cheered like wild men.”
—Pvt. Samuel Clayton, 95th Pennsylvania
Tuesday, Dec. 16th 1862—The morning wet. Firing commenced early but not very heavy. All troops are across the river. After our troops crossed, the rebels came out, jumped and cheered like wild men. They came out in line of battle. Our batteries shelled them a little and drove them back again.
Wednesday 17th 1862—The morning fair. It rained about 5 o’clock in the morning. We took 2 days rations out to the regiment which lays on this side of the river encamped in a woods. Our old adjutant that was taken prisoner at Savage Station returned to the regiment. We still lay on the same camp ground and all quiet. Colonel Campbell of the 55th Penn. Vols. was wounded in the hip and his horse in his head. We have four generals wounded. Jackson Baired. The Rebs tried to plant a battery in the woods but our artillery drove them from it. They say that we lost 15,000 killed, wounded, and missing in the last battle.
“The Rebs say that we have two Hills, one Stonewall, and a Longstreet to pass before we get in Richmond.”
— Pvt. Samuel Clayton, 95th Pennsylvania
Thursday 18th—Morning clear and cold and all quiet. On the same camp ground. The Rebs say that we have two Hills, one Stonewall, and a Longstreet to pass before we get in Richmond.
Friday, Dec. 19th—The morning clear. Orders to move. We packed up at 9 o’clock. The army on a retreat from Fredericksburg. The Rebs cross the river to trade tobacco for sugar and coffee with our troops.
Saturday, 20th 1862—The morning clear and very cold and encamped near the White Oak Hospital and I sent home the Relief Card. All quiet near White Oak Church.
Sunday, 21st 1862—The morning fair and cold. Still on the same camp and all quiet. There was two men belonging to one of the New Jersey Regiments frozen to death in the hospital for want of blankets.
Monday, 22nd 1862—The morning fair and still on the same camp and all quiet and near White Oak Church.
Tuesday, 23rd 1862—The morning clear and warm. Moved our camp about a quarter of a mile and all quiet at Frederick[sburg].
Wednesday 24th 1862—The morning clear and still in the [same] camp and all quiet.
Thursday, Christmas 25th—The morning very warm and all quiet. The regiment drew clothing on 24th and a stew for dinner.
Friday 26th 1862—The morning cloudy and still. On the same camp ground and all quiet near White Oak Church.
Saturday, Dec. 27th 1862—The morning cloudy and still on the same camp ground and all quiet.
Sunday, Dec. 28th 1862—The morning clear and on the same camp ground. We went about 3 miles for rails for firewood. There was heavy firing on our right. We do not know what it was.
Monday, Dec. 29th—The morning clear and still. On the same camp and all quiet.
Tuesday, Dec. 30th—The morning cloudy and some rain and all quiet and in the same camp. Orders to move with three days rations cooked. It was countermanded. The regiment received their new uniform.
Monday, 31st 1862—The last day of this year. The morning cloudy and cool. The regiment getting mustered in. They looked splendid with their new uniforms.
1863 Diary Entries
Thursday, January 1, 1863—The morning clear and cool. The sun rose splendid and we arose in good health and had for breakfast fried beefsteaks, cold pork, baked beans, rice, and molasses and a quart of coffee and we all thanked God to see the New Year. Roll in our extra pay was stopped this day by orders of Gen. Russell.
Friday, January 2nd 1863—The morning clear and warm and on the camp near Fredericksburg. We had an accident to happen [to] 1 or 2 officers in the 31st Regiment. A [wall?] fell on them crushing them very bad while at dinner. Our new Gen. Russell inspected the Quartermaster’s Department in the morning and found all correct.
Saturday, Jan. 4th 1863—The morning clear and warm. Our regiment went out on fatigue duty for three days.
Monday, 5th Jan. 1863—The morning clear and warm.
Tuesday, January 6th 1863—The morning cloudy and the day wet. George Young came to see me and have dinner with us.
Wednesday, 7th Jan. 1863—The morning clear and all quiet and still on the same camp ground. The regiment came in camp.
Thursday 8th—The morning fair and on the same ground and all quiet.
Friday, Jan. 9th 1863—The morning clear and all quiet on the same camp.
Saturday 10th 1863—The morning rainy and all quiet on the same camp.
Sunday, 11th 1863—The morning fair and the little birds singing about our tent until afternoon when it clouded over.
Monday, 12th 1863—The morning clear and all quiet. The little birds singing about.
Tuesday 13th 1863—[illegible—pencil smudged]
Wednesday 14th 1863—[illegible—pencil smudged]
Thursday 15th 1863—The morning clear and all quiet. The wind blowing very fresh and nothing new.
Friday 16th 1863—The morning clear and all quiet. We had orders to move and the men to have 3 days rations.
[Last page totally unreadable.]
The opening page of Samuel Clayton’s Second Diary
Second Diary Begins in November 1863
Saturday morning, August 22, 1863—Morning clear and warm and last night we had a thunderstorm with lightning and rain and all is well in camp and our regiment was out on drill today.
Sunday morning, August 23, 1863—The morning clear and warm and all is well in camp today and this morning our Brigade was inspected by General [ ] and in the afternoon they had Dress Parade and nothing new from the front lines today.
Monday morning, August 24th, 1863—The morning clear and warm and all is well in camp today. And all is still along the line and we have a Dress Parade in a day.
Tuesday, August 25—Morning cloudy and pleasant and all is well in camp today. Guard mount at 8 o’clock and Dress Parade at 5 o’clock in the afternoon and all is still along the line and we are still at New Baltimore encamped.
Wednesday morning, August 26—The morning cloudy and cool and it did rain all night and all is well in camp today and all is still along the line. And we are still encamped at New Baltimore as yet.
Thursday morning, August 27—The morning clear and warm and all is well in camp today and nothing new from the front and is quiet along the line. Guard Mount at 8 and Dress Parade at 5.
Friday, August 28th—Morning clear and warm and all is well in camp and all is still along the line and no news from the front. Dress Parade.
Saturday, August 29—Clear and rainy and all is well in camp at this time and nothing new from the front line today. And in the afternoon it cleared off warm and they had Dress Parade.
Sunday morning, August 30th—The morning clear and warm and all is well in camp today and nothing new. And all is still and our regiment went out on picket for 3 days out on the [ ] post.
Monday morning, August 31—The morning is clear and warm and our regiment is still on picket duty and all is well in camp and al still along the line at present. And all the men is getting [muster?] in.
September 1st 1863—Tuesday morning clear and warm and all is well in camp today and the regiment is still out on picket and all is still along the lines at present.
Wednesday morning, September 2—Cloudy and looks like rain and all is well in camp today. Our regiment came in from pocket duty this morning at 10 o’clock and all is still along the line and we are still at New Baltimore.
Thursday morning, September 3—Morning clear and windy. All is well in camp. Today we had our Brigade inspected by General Bartlet and all is still along the lines.
Friday morning, September 4—Cloudy and cool. All well in camp today. We had a Battalion Parade today. Nothing new. All is still along the line and we are still in camp at New Britain.
Saturday morning, Sept. 5th—Morning clear and warm. All is well in camp today. We had drill. Last night the guerrillas made a dash at us at I o’clock at night.
Sunday morning, September 6th—This morning clear and war. All is well in camp today. Dress Parade at 5 o’clock in the afternoon. All is still along the line and no news from the front.
Friday, September 11—The morning cloudy and damp. Our regiment still out on picket duty. All is well in camp at this time. All is still along the line.
Saturday 12th—The morning cloudy. The regiment came in from picket today. All is well in the camp today. Nothing new from the front. All is still along the line.
Sunday September 13th—The morning cloudy and raining and warm. All is well in camp at this time. Nothing new from the front. All is still along the line.
Monday, September 14—The morning is cloudy and raining. Nothing new from the front line and all is well in camp at this time. We are still in camp at the same place at New Baltimore.
Tuesday, September 15—the morning cloudy and damp. All well in camp today. Nothing new from the front. All is still along the line and still at New Baltimore.
Thursday, September 16—The morning is cloudy. Orders to march. Left New Baltimore at 5 o’clock and in camp for the night at 4 o’clock. Pass through the town at daylight.
Thursday, September 17—The morning is cloudy. Took up march at 4 o’clock. Pass through the Sulphur Springs and another place called Jeffersonville and a place called Mud Run and in camp for the night.
Friday, September 18—Cloudy and rainy. Still on the march. 10 miles and then came to Hazel River. We had to swim across it to a village they call Algerar. Camp for the night on the roadside.
September 23, Wednesday—Clear and warm. All is well in camp today. All is still along the front line today. The regiment out on drill and Dress Parade.
Thursday, Sept. 24—The morning clear and cold. All is well in camp today. Two companies go on picket at a time. A Battalion Drill and Dress Parade in the afternoon. All is still and nothing new from the front. All is still along the line.
Friday, 25th—The morning cloudy and looks like rain. We had orders to pack up [and be] ready to march. We got ready and waited till dark to move but the orders was countermanded till daylight the next morning so we all did tumble down on the ground to sleep till daylight. Then we got up and made some hot coffee for ourselves and then we was all right again. All is well in camp today.
Saturday, September 26th—Clear and cold and windy. All is well in camp and the regiment out on picket and still we are waiting for orders to march. All things are packed up ready to move ahead.
Sunday, Sept. 27th—Morning clear and warm. All is well in camp today. We still are at the same place near Culpeper Court House. Today the cavalry captured 6 guerrillas at the Poor House.
Monday, Sept. 28th—The morning clear and warm and all is well in camp today. We are at the same place near Culpeper. All is still and nothing new from the front.
Tuesday, Sept. 22nd—Clear and warm. All well in camp today. All is still along the line. Nothing new from the front. Guard Mount at 8 o’clock and a Dress Parade in the afternoon at 5 o’clock.
Wednesday, Sept. 30th—The morning clear and warm. All is well in camp today. A Battalion Drill and Dress Inspection this afternoon. All is still along the line.
Thursday, October 1—Morning cloudy and damp. A big fog. All is well in camp today. All is still and nothing new from the front line. We are at the same camp ground at Culpeper on the high hill.
October 2, Thursday—Morning cloudy and raining. All is well in camp today. All is still along the line. Nothing new. We are still at the same [camp].
Saturday, October 3—Morning clear and war. All is well in camp today. All is still along the line. Today we had a Review. Nothing new. We are at the same place at Culpeper Court House.
Sunday, October 4th—The morning hazy with a long frost on the ground. All is well in camp today. This morning an inspection of knapsacks. All is still along the line. Nothing new.
Monday, October 5th—The morning clear and warm. Pack up and ready to march at 7 o’clock to Burly [?] Station 10 miles ahead and all hands was glad of it for the camp was getting bad and the ground was muddy. Passed through Culpeper at 9 o’clock and a dismal place it was for all the houses was torn to pieces and nobody lives in the place but two old Colored woman and her husband and one child. We went to relieve the 2nd Corps at the Rapper Dam [Rapidan], right in sight of the Rebel’s camp across the river and we marched 12 miles and encamped for the night along the side of a woods close to the riverside, but not until night. [Went] all day without eating anything.
Tuesday, October 6th—The weather looks heavy and like rain. We did arise at the point we started for and that is called Rapidan. It is quite a long river and in going there, we had to march the troops along the edge of the woods to keep the Rebels foreseeing us for they was up on a high mountain and we was down in the valley. The name of that mountain is Slaughter Mountain for the great Battle of Culpeper was fought [here] and a heavy loss on both sides. But we did take the hill from them and a number of prisoners. Today we had to throw out pickets for ten miles around the whole Division and had to relieve them at night so as not to be seen by the rebels. We had to move 4 miles in advance to keep out of sight of the Rebels for they did heave some shells in to our camp. But we did not flinch a bit but stood it all till 1 o’clock at night [when] we opened fire on them and then fell back to Culpeper, passing it without stopping there with a loss of 37 men and their horses so the Yankees did get the best of them at least.
Wednesday, October 7th—The morning cloudy. Moved camp 2 miles ahead. All is still and quiet along the line.
Thursday, October 8th—The morning cloudy and wet in camp. All is well. Some of our boys have [re-]enlisted for three years more. Nothing [happening]. All is still.
Friday, October9th—The morning clear and all is well n camp today. All is still along the River Rapidan and our men is on picket duty along the river. Our camp is in the woods close by them.
Saturday, October 10th—The morning cloudy and warm. We had marching orders at 8 o’clock to pack up and to strike our tents and to be ready to cross the river at Rapidan. Last night we did draw clothing for the regiment such as caps, pants, overcoats, shirts and blankets, stocking, shoes and so forth and give them to the men that was in camp and sent the rest to the men that was out on picket. Last night at 8 o’clock we had orders to pack up and be ready to march and we did march all night till we got to Culpeper and it was daylight then and the roads was mud up to our knees.
Sunday October 11th—We passed through Culpeper and we marched all day and all night and did not eat a mouthful till after night. [We] marched 24 miles and camped for the night.
Monday, October 12th—The morning clear and warm. We took up line of march at 12 o’clock at night and marched to Warrenton Junction and halted in a field for the day and got something to eat and then all hands laid down on the ground and took a good sleep [for] about five hours. Fed our horses and mules and got our supper for us. Did not eat but two meals from Saturday night until Monday afternoon. We had plenty with us but no time to cook it for we found some hard roads to march along and mud up to our knees. For my part, I did not see very well. In crossing a stream of water before daylight—it was so dark—my foot slipped and in I went and I had a good dunking. In the morning it was cold and I felt it until the sun rose and I got dry again for I had not got my knapsack to get some dry clothes on.
Tuesday, October 13th—The morning clear and warm and all hands was closed up at 12 o’clock ready to march in ten minutes. Some had to run with their shoes in their hands because they was shoes in [ ] out. We marched about 10 miles and passed Warrenton Junction about daybreak. We blowed up what we could not transport such as powder and ball and shells. Enparked at about one mile outside of Warrenton Station. Feed and water the horses and got ourselves some breakfast. Three o’clock P. M. went to the regiment four miles back to give the boys in the regiment some rations such as hard bread, coffee, sugar, and salt tongues and fresh beef. Back to the park and got orders to move at 6 o’clock in the evening and marched all night and a crossing Cedar Run, Broad Run, and arriving at 7 o’clock in the morning at about two miles within Bristoe Station.
The wagons of the Army of the Potomac scrambling to get across Cedar Run before Confederates at Warrenton can attack (October 1863)
Wednesday, October 14th—Got orders to stop the wagons or train to feed and take breakfast and then to get ready to move to some other station. There was heavy cannon heard [Battle of Bristoe Station] about the time we turned in the park this morning. Before we started in the afternoon, there was about thirty Rebel prisoners brought in to the Corp’s Headquarters. We marched on Wednesday night about 12 miles.
Thursday, October 15th—We started on the above morning with clear weather. We marched this day 12 miles. Crossed over Bull Run Creek, passed through Brentsville, and arrived at Fairfax in the afternoon at 5 o’clock, and it commenced to rain about half past 5 o’clock.
Friday, October 16th—Rainy all day and night and we all got wet and it did thunder very heavy and blowed a gale at night.
Saturday, October 17th—This morning clear and warm At 8 o’clock we had orders to move our park to a hill above the town at Fairfax Court House and had to go 7 miles back to the regiment with rations for the troops and heavy cannonading was close to us. Some of the train was taken from us by the guerrillas along the road but they did not take nothing but the mules and the drivers and they left the wagons standing.
Sunday October 18th—The morning clear and warm. We are still at Fairfax. All is well with us today. Nothing new and all is still and quiet along the line. At 12 o’clock, our camp is all still. All hands had a good rest. Sunday afternoon about 4 o’clock we had our orders to hitch up the teams ready to make a circle with them and all the men and all the mules to be inside for we did expect a raid at night for the Rebels is only two miles of us with a strong force. All the teamsters had orders to load their guns at night to be ready if they should come on us so all hands was ready.
Monday October 19th—Rainy and cold. Orders to pack up ready to march at 8 o’clock and all hands ready but we did not move till 12 o’clock. At 3 o’clock we got to Centreville and I sat down in the fort and wrote this down while we got. bite of hard tack and salt pork and coffee. Then we had orders to move on to Manassas Junction and we did cross Bull Run at 10 o’clock and halted for the night on the old battlefield and marched 15 miles.
Tuesday, October 20th—Clear and warm. At 7 o’clock, orders to pack up reach to march soon we we can. We left at 8 o’clock to go to Manassas Junction. At 11 o’clock, when we got to Bull Run, the bridge was out of order and we had to wait a long time before it was ready for us to cross it for some of the trestle work was giving way and it was not safe to cross it with the teams. Heavy cannonading was close by us and we had to wait from 11 o’clock until 3 o’clock. It was a great sight to look around and see the fort and the breastworks at Bull’s Run and all the way through to the junction. This is the site of the battlefield that is the first battle ground where there is hundreds of graves all over the ground at that place. At 5 o’clock in the afternoon we arrived at Zanesville Station and parked for the night after traveling 14 miles.
The ruins of the railroad bridge at Bull Run in the foreground; a temporary troop and wagon bridge seen in the background.
Wednesday, October 21st—Morning dry and warm. 8 o’clock all hands had orders to pack up ready to march and we left Zanesville at 9 o’clock to march to a place called Buckley Village and the next place was New Baltimore at 2 o’clock. We went on to Warrenton and encamped for the night.
Thursday, October 22nd—The morning clear and cold. We are in camp at Warrenton and all is well in the camp after such a long march. All is still along the line today. No news from the front. We did give out rations to the troops.
Friday, October 23rd—The morning is cloudy and looks like rain. We are at Warrenton yet in camp until the bridge is rebuilt over the Rappahannock. All is well in camp. All still along the line.
Saturday, October 24th—The morning stormy and cold and raining. All hands is almost froze to death. All is well in camp. All is still along the line. Nothing new from the front lines.
Sunday, October 25th—The morning clear and cold. Orders to pack up ready to march at a minute’s notice. All hands was ready but the orders was countermanded at present but to hold ourselves in readiness any any time. Sunday afternoon at 3 o’clock we struck tents ready o march and left Warrenton at 4 o’clock. We marched 1 mile and encamped for the night and pitched our tents again on a hill by the roadside.
Monday, October 26th—The morning clear and cold. We are encamped about two miles outside of the town on a high hill and all hands is well in camp. All is well along the lines.
Tuesday, October 27th—The morning clear and cold. Last night the guerrillas made a raid on our wagon train between New Baltimore and Warrenton and captured 10 wagons and they took the mules and left the wagons stand in the road and took 60 mules.
Wednesday, October 28th—The morning clear and cold. All is well in camp today. We are still on the hill encamped. All is still along the line. Nothing new from the front today.
Thursday, October 29th— Morning clear and warm. We had orders to move our camp to another place in the woods so as to keep the cold weather off us. All is well. All is still along the line.
Friday, October 30th—The morning cloudy and looks like rain. We are busy putting up our tents on our new camp ground in the woods. We are clearing away the old brush out of the way of the tents.
Saturday, October 31st—The morning rainy and our new camp ground is wet and muddy but we are trying to get it clean as fast as we can. All is well in camp at this time.
Sunday, November 1st [1863]—Clear and warm. We had a hard day’s work to do—that is, fixing our tents and building our fireplaces. So this is the way that we did pass the Sunday—at hard work.
Monday, November 2nd—Clear and warm. All is well in camp. All is still along the line and nothing new. Then we do hear a report of a cannon of the front of us or in the rear of us.
Tuesday, November 3rd—The morning clear and warm Nothing is new with us for al hands is hard to work putting up log tents. All is well in camp and all along the line.
Wednesday, November 4th—The morning clear and fine. All is well in camp today. There is some talk about moving away after all hands had their tents logged up so nice and we had to work so hard to build them and carry the logs so far (1 mile).
Thursday, November 5th—Clear and warm. Windy. All is well in camp. We are at the same place yet and part of the regiment out on picket duty and the rest on fatigue duty on the road.
Friday, November 6th—Morning clear and fine. All is well along the line. Nothing new. Our regiment out on picket and we are still in the same camp ground at Warrenton.
Saturday, November 7th—Clear and warm. At 8 o’clock we had orders to pack up read to march at 4 o’clock. It was a busy time with us for we did not know what was the matter so early in the morning and between 1 and 3 o’clock the guerrillas made a raid on the wagon train. While all had went to sleep and ordered them to get up and unhitch the teams and not a word to say. If they did say a word, that they would blow their brains out. And while the guerrillas was inside, one of them was walking the post and when he handed the guard, the Rebel cried out, “Halt!” and our sentinel saw that the countersign was not correct and then the reply was, “You Yankee Son of a Bitch, if you say a word, I will blow your brains out.” But they did take in all 36 mules and 12 drivers. Our men got back 28 of them and one was wounded in the shoulder and one killed dead on the spot. Sundown and we did stop in a field to feed our mules and get something to eat ourselves, And while we was there, the ball did open and I think that it was the loudest cannon firing that I ever did hear in my lifetime [2nd Battle of Rappahannock Station]. Orders to hitch up ready to go ahead or be ready to go back but we did go ahead and no going back and got to B_____ Station at 8 o’clock at night and halted for the night after marching 15 miles.
Sunday, November 8th—Morning clear and fine. While we was a breakfast, the cavalry brought along 19 hundred Rebel prisoners and 4 Colonels and about 20 Captains and they was taken on Saturday night at the battle at Rappahannock Station on Sunday morning and all of then was dress[ed] well and lost heavily. This morning we are at Betlet [?] Station and I don’t know how long we will stay at this place. Sunday afternoon at 3 o’clock we left Betlet [?] Station for the Rappahannock Station about 4 miles. We went up to the forts to see it and when we got there we saw a great many fresh graves at that place of our men who fell at the taking of the fort. Some 65 of them lie all in a row. We halted on the battlefield for the night.
Monday, November 9th—The morning cloudy and cold. At daybreak it was a splendid sight to stand on the forts and look around and see the entrenchment that the Rebels had thrown up at that place. 9 o’clock, order [came] to pack up and to stand fast till we get orders to march at 12 o’clock and went 1 mile and turned back to the camp on the battlefield for the night.
Tuesday, November 10th—Morning clear and cold. Crossed the Rappahannock River. Left the park at half past six. Viewed the battlefield at the Rappahannock and took a walk around the fortification. Saw a great many of our troops buried behind the fort. We are still on the move and marched 10 miles and halted on a hillside and no wood and water within a mile of us so we didn’t stay all on the hillside all night. Almost froze to death.
Wednesday, November 11th—The morning clear and cold. We had to move our camp to another place a mile off in the woods in a warmer place. We are all the time at work. All is well in camp today.
Thursday, November 12th—The morning clear and cold. We are encamped near the Hazel River in a pine woods on the side of a hill. All is well in camp. All is still in the front.
Friday, November 13th—The morning clear and cold. All hands is busy in building their tents. Some is cleaning bricks and some is mixing up mud for to mortar and others is cutting logs and so all hands are busy. And just as we get them finished, we get marching orders and we have to leave them. But we do tear them down so the Johnnies can’t have them to live in after we are gone away for this is the 4th time we built them.
Saturday, November 14th—The morning clear and warm. I sent home 25 dollars. All is still along the line. All is well in camp. Nothing new. Still on the hill and still busy in logging up our tents.
Sunday, November 15th—Stormy with rain and heavy thunder and lightning with it and the camp wet and muddy. All is still and all is well in camp. Nothing new from the front lines. While we was at our breakfast, the Rebels undertook to cross at Kelly’s Ford and our batteries opened here on them and drove them back. It think it was about the loudest cannonading that I have heard since I have been out for they was quick as lightning and all hands was ready to march and it was raining hard and fast but we did not mind it at such a time as that. [We] was wet to the skin and up to our knees in mud but ready to advance at any time we was called upon. But the firing did not last long. At 3 o’clock it was all still. It was at Brandy Station and it was reported that they had taken a whole brigade of the Rebels at a place called Welford’s Ford. All still up to 12 o’clock last night. All is well in camp today and the boys say that they are ready for another fight at any time.
Pontoon Bridge at Welford’s Ford on the Hazel River. Tom Stubblefield’s Mill and tenant house are seen in the background.
Monday, November 16th—Cloudy and looks like rain and today we have a general inspection by General Bartlet and his staff and all hands glad to clean themselves up and the inspectors say that the 95th [Pennsylvania] looks the cleanest and the best in the Corps and it did make the boys glad to think that they was the cleanest in the Corps. And he said to the 95th P. V. of Pennsylvania boys did never fail in any battle as yet.
Tuesday, November 17th—The morning cloudy and looks like a heavy storm and we have plenty of rain at this season of the year. Sometimes it does rain a whole week at a time and it does make it bad for us for the ground it trod up so much that it makes it muddy. Wet or dry, it makes no difference to us, for the men has to turn out to roll call and guard mount and every day we have to draw rations for the regiment.
Wednesday, November 18th—This morning cloudy and warm. I had a drink of whiskey offered to me which I refused and all hands laughed at me but I told them that I did not want it—that I was the best judge of it for when I thought that a drink would do me any good, I would take it, but not without I stood in need of it—that all the men in the whole Army of the Potomac could not make me take it if I was so opposed to take a drink if I did not think proper. But I told them when I felt like taking a drink with them, I would do so. But if I say no, I mean it. And if I say yes, I mean it. But the boys say that the ‘old man Clayton’ means what he says and he is the man that I think that what he says, he does mean, and I think that he is right in so doing.
All is well in camp today but we are on the move at this time but I can’t tell where. We had made our winter quarters up but we don’t think that we shall have any this winter. But I am cutting wood today for the Quartermaster some two or three miles away from the camp so I got hungry and I bought a can of oysters and it had 50 in it and it cost me 1 dollar for it so I thought that I did pay for it. Well, it is only the second that I have bought since I have been out. All is well in camp and all is still along the line today.
Thursday, November 19th—Cloudy and looks like storming and we are still at Welford’s Ford and we have been there about 10 days and still a fixing up our tents to keep us from the storms and the rains and the cold winds from us. All is well in camp. All is still up till sundown today. We had a Battalion Drill at 2 o’clock until 5 in the afternoon and the rest of the day we are busy in building our chimneys.
Friday, November 20th—The morning clear and fine. At 8 o’clock the whole 6th Corps had to turn out at 3 o’clock in the morning so as to be ready to clean theirselves up to go on therevieww by our generals and some English officers and others at 10 o’clock for they had to go about 5 miles to the [parade] ground and after they got on the ground, they had to stand three hours a waiting for them to arrive on the ground. And they then took up the line of march and marched all over the parade ground two or three times before they their red eye to drink and keep us from our hard tack and our salt pork. But when they got into camp, we had fresh bread and all hands gave 3 cheers for it has been about 2 months since we had any of it and if we bought a case, it cost 25 cents. 1 loaf a day for a man and some of them eat it all at 1 meal and others made it do 3 meals. But I don’t eat 1 loaf in a day.
Saturday, November 21st—The morning is cloudy and raining and everything is wet in camp and we had to give out clothing to the regiment—caps and jackets, pants, and shirts, and drawers, stockings, and shoes, and so forth. And I am busy in knocking up boxes to get the nails for sometimes we can’t get a nail to when I get a chance, I save all I can so when we get into winter quarters, I will have enough to build my quarters without hunting for them if we do stop at all.
Sunday, November 22nd—Morning clear and fine. All is well in camp. Today we was inspected by our own officers to see if their accoutrements were in good order and that every man had 60 rounds of cartridges in their boxes. Today we did draw new guns and cartridge boxes and belts and cartridge box plates and straps. So it don’t look like making winter quarters as yet but I think that it does look like another hard fight before we do winter quarters for the whole regiment is getting a new fit out with everything and every man to have 8 days rations in his haversack and 60 rounds of cartridges in his box and 40 rounds in his knapsack and that will make 1 hundred rounds of cartridges to carry besides their 8 days rations and their blankets and their guns and in all it will make about 80 to 90 pounds to each man to carry. 4 o’clock Battalion Drill and we have to go about 2 miles to the parade ground.
Monday, November 23rd—The Morning is clear and warm and we are still at Welford’s Ford and we just got orders to hold ourselves in readiness to march a minutes notice. 12 o’clock. no line of marching as yet. All is ready. 4 o’clock. No more at sundown. We made up our minds to stay all night and so did stay all night at the old ground but did not sleep none for the boys had a blow on some whistle.
Tuesday, Nov. 24th—The morning cloudy and looks like a rainy day. Last night at 8 o’clock we all got orders to be ready to march at 12 o’clock at night and all hands did not go to bed but I have always made it a rule to go to my bed at tattoo when I am in camp so I did get a good night’s rest for we did not move till 9 o’clock in the morning. So I had the laugh on them but I had all my things packed up—all but my blanket—so I was ready at a call. At 9 o’clock the line was formed and we did leave the old camp ground at Welford’s Ford and before I left the camp, I did buy myself some tobacco—1 dollar’s worth—and 1 dollar’s worth of segars and 4 pounds of bologna sausage and one can of milk 75 cents and 1 can of peaches 75 cents and 1 can of oysters 65 cents, and 1 pound of cheese 50 cent for I did not know how long we would be on the move so I thought I would look out for myself on the move for I have been fooled before on the march so I took care to look out this time for myself. So I did lay [up] a good supply in my haversack so as I could have a bite on the road without running to the wagons on the march.
So we did have to stand in line and it did rain so fast that we did get ringing wet and after all the order was countermanded and all hands went to putting up their tents on the wet ground again. Mud up to our knees and a bad night it was for us.
Wednesday, November 25th—The morning was clear at daylight and the sun did rise in splendor but in 10 minutes after that a cloud arose in the east and it made it dark—but no rain with it—and we all thought it would blow our tents away at that time—but no wind with it. So we are still at Welford’s Ford and looking every minute to get orders to march for we have not unloaded the wagons as yet. [ ] weather overhead and wet under foot. 12 o’clock no more.
Thursday, Nov. 26th—The morning is clear and cold and at 3 o’clock we got the orders to pack up and be ready to get in line at 6 o’clock. We left Welford’s Ford at 7 o’clock and marched up to the division headquarters and halted there till all of the artillery passed by us—22 batteries. We left the old camp at 7 o’clock and arrived at Brandy Station at 11 o’clock and the cars was a loading some of the troops. We made a halt at the station to feed and water the mules and to get a bite. Our [ ] and of hard tack and salt pork and while we laid at the station 11 locomotives left the station with the sick and wounded and the rest had rations which they run back to Alexandria so that the Rebels could not get them after we left the station. Our men set the station on fire and burnt it down to the ground and our cavalry had to go out on a scout for it was reported that Mosby with five hundred men was in our rear following us and was waiting till dark so he could make a raid on the wagon train for the wagons was stuck in the mud. And so they was, and we had to unload them after dark in the mud up to our knees. Last night we had to stay in a field at night without fire or blankets watching for the guerrillas to make a raid on our wagon train and they did make it, sure enough, but not until after 12 o’clock.
Friday, November 27th—The morning clear and cold at daylight. The guards give the alarm and at the same time they had set on fire 14 wagons and burnt them up and took 150 mules and about 50 of the guards and 25 head of cattle and 1 corporal—Isaac Blifford of the 5th Maine Regiment—was shot dead for giving the signal to the guards and some got away from them. We passed by Mosby’s property and it was in flames and a splendid [sight]. But they did not get the cattle at last for our cavalry made them fly in all directions across the Rappahannock river. But they did strip all the clothes off the men and put their clothing on them and all of their money too, and sent them to Richmond.
Today the ball was opened at Germania Ford about 8 o’clock in the morning and lasted till after dark. [See Mine Run Campaign] We all think it was the loudest that we ever heard since we have been out and a constant roaring of musketry. But we did not hear the last on either side. Marched 12 miles and halted on the side of a hill for the night.
Saturday, Nov. 28th—The morning cloudy and raining. Orders to hitch up at daylight. All ready to go but did not move so we did stay all night on the hill for the train was afraid to make a start for the cannonading was so heavy a head of us. All is well with us in the train tonight up to 12 o’clock.
Sunday, November 29th—The morning cloudy and cold. Looks like a heavy fall of snow but it cleared off in the afternoon. Last night at 11 o’clock, Mosby tried to make another raid on the wagon train but before he got in the train, he smelled a rat and left in a hurry with the loss of horses and men for our boys was on the look out for them. Today, Sunday, heavy firing at Salem Church and it is reported that we do drive them from every place.
Monday, November 30th—The morning clear and cold. We took two of the wagons and went back three miles after some wood to make a fire to keep ourselves warm this morning at 10 o’clock. The guerrillas made another raid on our train but they did not get a thing for we did lay back for them and they did take 11 of them and the rest left in a hurry. This is the fourth raid that they have made in 4 nights but got nothing at all for all they got [from] us, [we] got back again.
Battle of Mine Run, Late November 1863
Tuesday, December 1, 1863—The morning clear and cold. At 7 o’clock orders came to pack up as soon as we could for we had to fall back and we left Ely’s Ford and marched a mile and halted in a field until the pontoon bridge was laid across the Rapidan River. While we did stop, we got some coffee and hard tack and sow pork so as to be ready to take up our line of march at any time they called on us. But we did not cross the river last night owing that the pontoon bridge was not ready for us to cross on so we stated all night in a pine woods and we made up a big fire and spread our things such as blankets down on the ground to sleep and we all slept badly.
About dark, two men on horseback came along the wagon train looking for one of the wagon masters and we had none of that name. One had a mail bag with him but it was empty so we did arrest them both and took them up to Gen. Meade’s headquarters and they both was Rebel spies and we put them under guard till morning.
December 2nd, Wednesday—Morning clear and cold. We are still in the pine woods awaiting for the bridges to be laid as as we can cross them. 8 o’clock and no orders to hitch up the teams. All is well with us. It is all still and no guns to be heard up to 9 o’clock. At 10 o’clock the orders was given for all hands to hitch up as soon as they can, ready to move, and the teams was ready in 10 minutes time. After all the hurry, they did not move out till 5 o’clock in the afternoon. 12 o’clock cannonading commenced. Left the Rappahannock River at sundown. We marched to Richardsville and halted for the night. It was a nice place and in one of the cellars we found 2 dead bodies in them with their throats cut and we burned them and burnt the whole place down. Marched 12 miles.
Thursday, December 3rd—The morning clear and warm. 4 o’clock orders to move at sunrise. All ready. Took up line of march at 7 o’clock at Richardsville. Traveled till we got back to Brandy Station. Halted about two hours at the station and then started for Welford’s Ford—that is the camp we left. Got back at 5 in the evening and pitched tents again. We expected a good night’s sleep after we had laid out two nights without sleeping [but] just as went to bed, at 12 o’clock, we got orders to draw 8 days rations and fresh beef, pork, sugar, coffee, potatoes, dried apples, hard tack, soap and candles and so forth.
Friday, December 4th—The morning clear and warm. We arrived at our old camp ground again but we was told that we should not stay here but tonight. But I did not tear down my fireplace when we left so it did stand till we came back again so I had plenty of the men in my tent at night for all of them did tear down all of their chimneys. But I let men stay till the last one and I went to mine to knock it down but I thought that we might come back again and so we did return again back to it and I had nothing to do but put my tent over the same place. So I did enjoy the night with 6 in my tent. But I told them that I would not allow them to play cards and they asked me why and I told them that I had something else to think about and they asked me if I would not have a single game with them and I said not a bit of it. So some of them stayed in my tent all night, 6 in number, and I myself made 7 in all. And so we spent the night. All is well in this place and all is still in the rear.
Saturday, December 5th—The morning is cloudy and cold. At 8 o’clock we had orders to move camp across the Hazel River and at 9 o’clock we did strike our tents and pack up our things ready to march. But they did keep us in line all of the afternoon till 2 o’clock in the afternoon, and then the orders was countermanded so we pitched our tents again on the same ground and stopped for the night. Slept good.
Sunday, December 6th—The morning clear and cold. All is waiting and looking for orders to pack up. Ready to cross the Rapidan again, to be ready for another heavy battle to be fought at Orange Court House for they say that they have a heavy force there. But we are going to give them a dash so as to try that front. All of our men is in good spirits and ready for it. All is well in camp today.
Monday, December 7th—The morning clear and fine. We still lie at the same camp ground near to Brandy Station but don’t think that we will be long at that place. But it don’t look like staying for we have to go about 4 miles after wood with the wagons for the camp. All is well in camp today. All is still and quiet along the river at this time and nothing to be heard nor seen up to 12 o’clock at night.
Tuesday, December 8th—The morning clear and warm. This morning we went out two miles after bricks to build chimneys and when we got back to camp we had orders to pack up ready to march so we had all the trouble for nothing. So all was ready but did not march till 3 o’clock and at the same house we got our brick from, two men was killed by the walls falling on them and we got them out and buried them under some trees in the yard and put up a head board.
Wednesday, December 9th—The morning is clear and pleasant. This day we crossed over Hazel River on a pontoon bridge to go to our new camp ground—and a nice one it is for it is in a large woods and the water is handy to us. Today they gave to the regiment clothing. All is well in camp and all is still along the line. We are about 3 miles from Brandy Station and we think we will stay at this place this winter.
Thursday, December 10th—The morning is clear and warm and fine. All is busy in cutting logs to build their tents to keep off the storm. All is well with us today. Dress Parade at 8 o’clock in the morning and at two o’clock in the afternoon a Battalion Drill. This is the way we pass the day away. We are on a high hill and we can see a long way off. All is still along the line. Nothing new from the front and still with us.
Friday, December 11th—The morning cloudy and cold with hail. All is well in camp with us. All is still along the line and nothing new.
Saturday, Dec 12th—The morning cloudy and all is well in camp to day. All is still along the line. Nothing new from the front. But it did rain all day and all night. But our tents did not leak a drop.
Sunday, December 13th—The morning cloudy and raining but it broke away about 9 o’clock and our regiment went out on picket this morning for 5 days and I had to get up soon to draw the rations for them in time to fall in line at 9 o’clock. They went to the Rapidan on picket. We are about 4 miles from Brandy Station encamped on the side of a high hill in a big Oak woods. But we won’t stay there long. All is well.
December 14th—Near to the Hazel River about 4 miles from Brandy Station. Sunday afternoon I and Snyder and another man took a ramble through the country and we crossed over the river on the pontoon bridge and we went about 4 miles from the camp. I went to see if I could find Young but we did not find his regiment. They told us that the 5th Corps was at Moore’s [?] Junction so we turned back to camp again.
December 14th Near Welford’s Ford
My Dear Wife,
I am well and in good health and I hope that you are the same. I got your last letter dated the 9th. Mother, I got all of the letters and got my stamps today. I am glad to think that I have got a son to help his mother along in her troubles and may God bless him. I never shall forget him as long as I live. David, when I read that letter, I thought about you and how hard I have been to you. But I hope it was all for the best so let it pass by forever. Give to her what you can and God will reward you.
[Your] Samuel is well. Mother, we are all busy in building our tents and just got them all done but we think we will have to leave them again for this is the 3rd time we have put them up in different places. And if we have to leave them again, we will not put them up again this winter.
Forgive my short letter at this time. Your affectionate husband until death, — S. Clayton
Last page of Samuel Clayton’s Second Diary and sample of his handwriting & signature.
I could not find an image of Augustus but here’s Lt. John W. Hughey of Co. B, 54th Georgia Infantry (Soldier Collectibles)
This letter was written by Sgt. Augustus Gray (1834-1864) of Co. I (“Jeff Davis Riflemen”), 53rd Georgia Infantry. According to Gray’s service record, he was hospitalized in Howard’s Grove Hospital in Richmond (where he wrote this letter) and was returned to duty on 24 September 1862—just two days after datelining this letter. He had been admitted to the hospital on 8 September suffering from rubeola (measles).
Augustus returned to his regiment after the Maryland Campaign and was with them until the Battle of Cold Harbor when he was shot in the side and died a few days later on 5 June 1864.
Augustus had a brother, James Nelson Gray, who served in the same company with him. James entered the war as a private but rose in rank to sergeant by December 1863. He surrendered with his regiment in April 1865. Nelson was by his brother’s side when he died.
Augustus and James were the sons of Allen Gray (1809-1886) and Peletiah O’Neal (1815-1886) of Jackson, Butts county, Georgia. Augustus was married and the father of two children by the time of the 1860 US Census.
This letter was written just a few days after the Battle of Antietam and Augustus was lucky not to have been with them for they fought in Miller’s Cornfield and lost 12 men killed and 63 wounded out of the 276 they took onto the field.
Transcription
Howard’s Grove Hospital Richmond, Virginia September 22, 1862
Dear Father & Mother & Brother & Sisters,
I take the opportunity this morning of answering your kind letter of the 13th of September and was truly glad to hear from you all and would be gladder to see you all. I am well at this time but my legs is so weak that I can’t walk very far till I give out. I am at Howard’s Grove Hospital, Richmond, Va. in care of Dr. [C. D.] Rice, 1 surgeon in charge. It is a pretty place and I think healthy. I have very good fare here. I don’t know how long I will stay here. I think a great deal of our doctor. He don’t send his men off before they get well. Several of my company is with me. William Pace 2 is at Shimborazo [Chimborazo] hospital. He comes to see me occasionally. I have not heard from the boys since you wrote. I would be glad to hear from them again from the statement of the papers this morning, there is awful fighting going on now [Battle of Antietam]. I wish it could be stopped.
Pap, I know nothing of James’ clothes till I heard from you. I expect that they are all gone. I have got all of my clothing and bedding yet but when I leave, I will have to leave some of them for I can’t tote them. I expect to leave that at some private house.
We have favorful news this morning from our army. General Jackson and Lee is in possession of Harper’s Ferry. They [have] taken 18 hundred horses, 200 wagons, 11 hundred stands of arms, 72 pieces of cannons and a great deal of commissary stores.
There is lots of sick here—some deaths here. Some of our boys left for the regiment this morning. From what I can learn, a heap of our army suffers for something to eat.
I have not got but one letter from you since I left home. That was the one that you sent to Mr. Sturrett. I have not heard from Mary since the 12th of August. I am mighty answers to her from her. So nothing more but your son, — A. Gray
1 C. D. Rice was an 1859 graduate of the Medical College of the State of South Carolina.
2Pace, William A. — 1st Sergeant May 12, 1862. Died in Langhorne’s Hospital at Lynchburg, Virginia, February 5, 1863 or 1864. Buried there in Confederate Cemetery. Number 2, 3rd Line, Lot 187.
Henry W. Landes wearing his USMC Uniform (ca. 1865)
The following transcribed letter and diary extracts are attributed to Heinrich (“Henry”) Washington Landes (1842-1928), 1 the son of Joseph F. Landes (1816-1876) and Susan Desh (1822-1898) of Hellertown, Lower Saucon, Northampton county, Pennsylvania. They were copied from an eBay listing in January 2021, and so I cannot vouch for the accuracy of the seller’s transcripts. However, the history was significant enough that I deemed it worthwhile to preserve it here on Spared & Shared before it disappears from public view. Hopefully the 47 letters and two diaries that are in this collection will eventually be fully disclosed. I have researched the accuracy of the contents sufficiently to satisfy myself they are genuine. Most of the letters were written to his sister Emma Landes (b. 1846).
Henry first enlisted in Co. C, 129th Pennsylvania on 12 August 1863 and served for 9-months, mustering out in mid-May 1863. During this time the regiment participated in the battles of 2nd Bull Run, Antietam and Fredericksburg.
Henry later served in the U. S. Marine Corps at the Naval Yard in Washington D. C. It was while serving in this capacity that he guarded the White House during the funeral of President Abraham Lincoln, witnessed the autopsy of John Wilkes Booth aboard the USS Montauk, and kept guard over the Lincoln conspirators. Henry wrote both in his diary and in a letter to his sister that during Booth’s autopsy, performed on the deck of the Montauk on April 27, 1865, Booth’s head was entirely detached from his body, presumably while attempting to retrieve the bullet lodged in his upper spine. I could find no other accounts of Booth’s “beheading” during the autopsy but it is worth noting that when President Andrew Johnson released John Wilkes Booth’s remains to the Booth family, many were surprised on 15 February 1869 to find Booth’s head was found entirely detached from his body in the pine coffin. Apparently Booth’s third, fourth and fifth cervical vertebrae were removed during the autopsy and kept by the government. Booth was reburied in Mount Green Cemetery in Baltimore.
In a letter dated 18 August 1862, he writes his sister Emma, that a Rebel tried to “poison us by putting poison in the water…We belong to Co. C, 129 Penn Infantry, Colonel Frick and our Captain is Taylor…” In his journal on 31 August 1862, he mentions a skirmish with the Rebels just before the Second Battle of Bull Run, “…we left at 5 o’clock in the morning, without breakfast for to guard an ammunition train to Centerville where they were fighting at that time…We went about 4 miles back in some woods. We had the intention to stay overnight. We stacked our arms. It was 9 o’clock in the evening and we were all tired as we had marched 20 miles that day…The Rebels began to shell our train, we thought not safe and left a couple miles back. Went in a field for to stay overnight as we could go no further. It was then about 10 o’clock in the evening. We felt like a drove of cattle, tired and wet…”
In a letter dated 1 September 1862, Landes describes the devastation following Second Bull Run, “…We went 18 miles towards Centerville where there is a large force of Rebels…Every once in a while a dead horse [was seen] in the road which does stink awful. Uphill in the mud sometimes, one step ahead and two back. Every once in awhile we meet a lot of prisoners of the Rebels, in droves about all together 1,000 which look like travelers. They have no uniforms at all. They are all mixed together and look very tuff and also rough but they are small soldiers…they are Rebels indeed…We were just ready for to lay down when the cannons began to sound and the shells began to fly. The Rebels fired into a train of wagons, We thought not safe, our men, so we went in the dark about 6 miles back into a field where we slept till morning…all the hospitals and all the houses in Centerville were full of wounded men of ours. It was the most awful day I ever seen in my life…”
On 11-12 September, he describes burying a fellow soldier, “On the 11 of September, one of our men died at Fairfax Seminary. His name was Thomas Engle. On the 12 of September, 20 of our men went to bury him, which I was one. We came there at 10 o’clock. Then we buried him according to sign arrangements. Rev. P. from Bethlehem held the sermon. I helped to fire the 3 loads over his last bed…It was 5 miles from our camp. It was 10 o’clock when we came home. We made 10 miles and the rest had everything packed up, ready to move.”
He next reports on the Battle of Antietam, where the 129th helped in the last hours of the battle. In a letter dated 22 September 1862 he writes, “…the next day was Sunday and started early at 4 o’clock and marched every day till the 20 of the month—20 miles a day—till we came to Frederick City, Maryland, where we march all night till we came to the battlefield which they had on the 16th [17th] and seen that place. It did look awful to look at, but I was not at the place where they had men piled up like wood. It was 12 a mile from us and I did not like to see them. But I seen some lying around. Yes, we seen hard times this short time we are in service…” And then in his journal, he writes, “It was about 7 o’clock in the evening of the 17 of Sept. We heard all day firing and they had a great battle at Sharpsburg, Maryland. We were 24 miles off and it was already dark and we did march far through the week. Our colonel came and said if we were willing to do it for our country and we all cheered yes. So we went up and down hill, fast and slow, smooth and rough, dark and rainy. Marched all night…We slept near the enemy on the battleground…On the morning of the 19 of Sept…I was taken as pioneer, and had to carry an axe besides and to get ahead of the brigade to make road for the cannons if necessary…We went over the whole battlefield and it was awful to see it. We took a short rest at Sharpsburg, so we went around to see. The houses were all battered, horses and men laying at the houses and in the streets, hanging on the fences and so on. We took our night rest in a field and were in line before day but no attack…We went to the woods on the morning of the 20th of September and began to shell them completely but no reply with cannons. Some musketry and a good many men were killed and wounded that had been ahead of us. The report was that the Rebels were all over the Potomac…”
Shortly after Antietam, Landes reports being visited by President Lincoln, “…On the 3 of October we were taken out the division and were all reviewed by old Honest Abe—the President, and he had a good looking staff with him. He was on horseback and dressed very plain black…” He continues, “On the 4th of November…we captured about 20 horses that day. We took them out of the stables along the roadside and then if nearby a horse was in the field, we were to catch him. The Rebel women even out in the fields running after, scolding and crying about their horses. Some came out on the fences like ghosts and preached about what we destroyed—their homes and property…On the 10 of November we were reviewed by General McClellan, General Burnside and General Siegal…”
Beginning in late November, Landes reports marching to Fredericksburg, where the regiment would shortly lose over 100 men in killed and wounded. “…We left, it was the 11 of Dec. at 8 o’clock and marched towards Fredericksburg. The firing was heavier all day. We went not over 2 miles and stopped for the night in an open space of land. On the 12th, the firing was as heavy as the day before. We did move nearer to the bank of the Rappahannock, and slept for the night in some fine woods. On the 13 of December, we did then move yet nearer to the river it was a heavy battle already agoing on and all the time it did roar like thunder. We at last crossed at noon the pontoons to the town Fredericksburg…
At about 10 o’clock we went uptown further where we could see the Rebels—also their cannons. We were shifted around a good deal so at last we were tired. Late in the afternoon we were taken out on the field…At once a Rebel officer advanced and had a good view over us. We could see that he was ordering cannons up by his motions. One of our sharpshooters shot at him, hitting his horse. We thought they would not advance, but [they] did advance soon and fired right into us. We had no shelter nowhere and so we were scattered completely. The officers did [try to] work to keep us in ranks, but we were our own officers at that time. Our battery in town soon made him go away at a double quick. We passed the dead, the wounded, knapsacks and blankets in quick time. It was then a getting dark. We were then yet to make a charge on the Rebel battery, which we did do, and did advance. But they did mow us down nearly as grass. We could not advance up. We had to pull back.
The Colonel had the flag on his horse and the handle was shot off and full of holes. We then went back to the town with as many men as we had and went into the town. In the houses [we] got beds and laid on [them] and slept till 12 o’clock and then we had to go on the battlefield as picket till day. The wounded did make a good deal of noise. We had to keep low and very quiet. They did not take the dead all during the night. At day light we went to the town. It was then Sunday the 14th of December [and] we were all day at the Planters Hotel and baking cakes, making pot pies, and so on. The day passed without much firing. On the 15th of December, we were in the streets looking at the Rebel battery and buying hot cakes off the black woman. In the evening at 8 o’clock we were taken out to the pickets. Then we worked till about 2 o’clock and made entrenchments. We were then taken to the town again and waited there awhile and then we crossed the Rappahanock back again. It did rain and it was very heavy wind. We lost our knapsacks over there. We went back to the place where we were first before we left for Fredericksburg and came there at daylight of the 16 of December. We had no tents and no blankets, no knapsacks and it was raining and cold…”
In a letter to his sister Emma dated 20 December 1862, Landes tells her he’s safe after the battle: “I was lead safe through the Battle of Fredericksburg. Last I wrote a letter on the 17th to father. I expect you know nearly all about the time you receive this letter. We were on the battlefield and also in the battle when the fire was the heaviest. At dark we made our charge but could not whip them out of their heavy entrenchments. They were all safe firing out behind it and we to be in the open field—a mark for them. But I came through safe. I think it was God’s will. I thought of all of you at home [and] that you perhaps would sit all around the table eating all them good things and [wondered] what you would think of me at this present time… a man [or] a boy will think of the past and think where you go if you get killed. Yes all thoughts will pass your mind in such a day…Our Captain is wounded very hard. Orlando and Ambrose was hit by a ball…Your Brother H. W. Landes”
In early 1863, Landes reports on camp politics, including the arrest of the regiment’s colonel, Jacob G. Frick, who was awarded a Medal of Honor for valor at Fredericksburg. He writes, “On the 12th of January, our Colonel was taken under arrest by General Humphrey. Our commander at this time was Capt. Stonebach. At that time they had the rest of our brigade and Alabach’s whole brigade out all night under arms. The battery erected onto us, so as if we were to release our Colonel they could keep us down. We wanted no dress coats. On the 13th of January, it was yet the same with the Colonel. One of our men in the company died [13 January 1863] in the hospital named Oliver Hillman. On the 14th of January, we held the funeral. The rest of the Regiment was taken on picket and as we were under the circumstances. We were held back to keep the funeral and do camp guard…”
In letters home, he writes on 9 January 1863, “…At 10 o’clock the pickets fired and the orders came for every man in ranks and to sleep on arms which made excitement in camp. Joseph Boyer walked around there. I got an axe and was ready for action but soon the orders came that they might go in their tents, but to be ready at a minutes call, but the night passed…”
And then on 2 March, he writes to his sister, “…We went out [on picket duty] for three days it was cold and rain. We left and got on post. We had a shanty made of fine brushes and a fire in the tent and had to relieve 7 on. Relieve 2 hours on and 6 hours off. I had been on first relieve and when the second relieve was on, the first had to be 2 hours awake on as long as the second was on the post and from 4 o’clock in the morning till day we had to be up by own arms and it is dangerous at present. The Rebels are trying to make raids. They did try last week and killed some of our pickets. As we only had a little sleep in them last 2 days. If we went to sleep we have to have our equipment on. Generally when on picket, no blanket along, so it is almost to cold and chilly. Today we were relieved and came to camp this afternoon at half past two…”
In one of his last letters before he mustered out of the 129th in May 1863, Landes writes again to his sister, “…Yesterday we had a division review by General Meade, Humphrey, and Tyler. After the review was over, General Tyler said…that he seen us in fire at Fredericksburg and we acted bravely, like men. General Tyler said that he had been at Winchester Port Republic in battle but he did not see Fredericksburg. There it was the greatest battle yet fought since this war begun. He said that it was almost murder. It was very windy and he closed by saying that if we were willing to do our duty if asked upon. Which followed by loud cheers…”
Service in the U. S. Marine Corps
The next section of Landes’ correspondence is from his service in the U.S. Marines, stationed in Washington DC at the end of the war. Before mentioning guarding the assassination conspirators or John Wilkes Booth, he describes his duties as guard in late March 1865 in his journal:
“…He [the prisoner] has liberty as much as he wants, but if he stays five minutes over his pass he will surely be put on restrictive list. Then he will have no liberty till he is off that list. If he stayed out longer he will be put in the cage and double irons, and on bread and water. In our squad—which came with us from Philadelphia—were 13 men. One is now discharged, a few in the cage, and nearly all the rest on the restrictive list. We have three nights in the bed, the fourth night on guard, which is two hours on and four off. I was now three times on post number five. The orders are namely this (take charge of this post and all government property in view. Salute all officers ascending in rank and file. In case of fire, alarm the guard, if necessary discharge your piece. If anyone attempts to scale the wall, halt him twice. If not halted, fire. No whiskey allowed to be smuggled over them walls. Neither hanging the hands and feet out them windows. No smoking on this post. Call the guard every half hour)…”
After Lincoln’s Assassination, on 15 April 1865 he writes, “…Reported death of Abraham and Steward. Sad news. All the men down-hearted. The flags all at half mast. Great alarm among us…” In April, Landes writes about being chosen to guard the assassination conspirators, “[April] 17th—I was on shore as guard over them prisoners which killed Abraham Lincoln…[By the 17th, O’Laughlin and Arnold had been arrested] 18th—The same duty all day. More prisoners, dirty, hungry, and sleepy [Paine was arrested Thursday night]. All day 2 hours on and 8 off. Prisoners are at two o’clock on the night…”
He was then sent briefly on 19 April to guard President Lincoln’s body at the White House, “19th—We were relieved at seven to go to quarters and make ready to go to the funeral. Left at nine. Went to the White House. Stood from ten to two o’clock in the hot sun without anything to drink. Came to quarters at half past four. At five we had supper. At half past six we left again for the Navy to do guard duty. Two on, eight off again. Oh, we were awful tired…April 20th—I was on guard from 8 to 5 in the morning. I got in conversation with a nice old man who was standing watch on board the Monitor Montauk. We had been talking about the funeral and Rebel sympathizers…At eleven o’clock in the night we got two prisoners with chains and balls…[The logbook of the Saugus claims that John Richter and John Atzerodt were brought in with double chanins at 11:30 P. M.]
23rd, Sunday, cold all day. At five I was taken on board the Montauk and was alone in a room guarding prisoners. 2 on, 4 off. I was very cold all night and two on, four off. 24th – Very cold but clear. Same duty two hours for me. Another prisoner [Spangler] at one o’clock last night. Inspection at nine. Sent a letter to sister Emma. One prisoner was on his knees praying, when I posted over him from 10 to 12. Very warm. Very nice music by the officers on the piano. The prisoners have new capes over their heads. * While all evening very good music. My extra two hours were from four to eight this evening. The weather now a little warmer. Slept but three hours during the night. 25th – Very nice morning. On guard with Donely—the first since in the service and I hope the last too. Had inspection at nine by Captain Monroe…The prisoners had their picture taken. A ferry boat across today. Many visitors. Good warm day and a nice night. Another prisoner came during the night. On post them three last mornings from four to six. On deck during the sunrise, and breath the good morning air of the 26th of April…”
[* Stanton ordered eight heavy canvas hoods made, padded one-inch thick with cotton, with one small hole for eating, no opening for the eyes or ears. He then ordered them to be worn by the seven conspirators day and night to prevent conversation. The eighth hood was never used on Mrs. Surratt. The hood were never removed—even throughout the trial, nor the wrist irons and anklets which were connected to an iron ball weighing 75 pounds.]
According to Landes, Booth’s partner, David E. Herold, had his photograph taken on board the Montauk in the afternoon of April 27th 1865—the same day as Booth’s autopsy, which was attended by Gardner/Sullivan.
On 27 April, Landes describes the body of John Wilkes Booth arriving aboard the Montauk and the subsequent autopsy and beheading (he was one of only three eyewitnesses to the beheading), “27th—I was on post from twelve to two. Booth and his partner came on the boat at a quarter before two [AM], [Booth] dead. [They] arrived on the steamboat John S. Ide. No inspection. Stood guard over him from 6 to 8. Over the partner from 12 to 2. At 2 they took Booth’s head off. I seen all the instruments and the head after off—the first man I seen without a head. Full of visitors, officers and citizens. Warm day and full of excitement. Took him away at two o’clock. His partner [Herold’s] picture taken in the afternoon…29th – Inspection. Windy. Tide high. News of Johnston’s surrender. Wrote a letter for Bishop Shower. In the evening clean. At ten on post. At that time the steamboat Keyport * came along side the Monitor Sacos and took all our prisoners away at 12 past eleven. All the men left for the barracks except four, and I was one of them…”
[* The logs of both the Montauk and Saugus record that the Keyport conveyed the eight prisoners—Pane, Atzerodt, erold, Arnold, O’Laughlin, Spangler, Richter, and Celestina—to the Arsenal grounds on 29 April at 10 P. M. where they were confined in the penitentiary to await trail.]
He again writes of Booth’s beheading in a letter to his sister on 28 April aboard the USS Montauk, “…We have at present hard duty, two on post and sometimes four off, day and night. We have six prisoners [Lewis Payne, Michael O’Laughlin, David Herold, George Atzerodt, Samuel B. Arnold and Edman Spangler], everyone alone in a place and two guards over him. Yesterday morning I was on post from twelve to two and at two o’clock they brought Booth and his partner up the river in the boat Burnside. I was guard over him from 6 to 8. I looked him all over. At two o’clock yesterday they cut his head off. It looked a little happy—a man without a head. I can’t write very well as I have to hurry so much and the tide is very wild. We had many visitors on board yesterday. He had his leg broken, I seen it. He had paste board around it. No beard and his forehead shaved. You are all aware how they captured him, I suppose it will be of no use to tell you. At least it is a poor satisfaction to have him dead, but he would not surrender. How long we will be kept here, I don’t know. But as long as them prisoners are here we won’t get off…I must close as we have inspection at two bells, which is nine o’clock and at ten I get on post again till twelve. So after that I write, it would be to late to send it. Today it is awful windy to write as my paper flies all around…The talk is that we are going to New York with the prisoners…”
Booth’s remains were laid out on an improvised bier (a rough carpenter’s bench). This sketch appeared in Harper’s Weekly on 13 May 1865.
He writes again to Emma on 30 April from the Marine Corps, after the prisoners were transferred to another ship, “…At a quarter past ten the steamboat Keyport arrived aside the Sacos which laid aside the boat Montauk, where we were still on guard. The prisoners had all heavy capes over their heads ever since they were there. They wear these so they could not see anything. Neither who was guard over them and all who in double irons. I did not know what the boat was after but soon I found out. All the prisoners were taken on the arrived boat, by that time it was nearly twelve. The Marines then prepared to go to the garrison yet during the night. Four men were to stay on boat till morning to take charge over some things belonging to us. I was one of them.
This morning awoke at about five and gathered all together. Then arrived at the barracks at half past six…We are all happy that they took them men away. I expect they took them to New York. I seen and talked to all of them, but I believe some will never see Washington again. [David] Herold the spy for Booth will surely hang. He is a good looking young man…”
In a letter to his sister on 7 July 1865—the day that the conspirators were executed, “…Today the weather is fine, not so very warm out. I think it will be a little bit warm for them conspirators to hang by the neck till dead. Dead! Two of them I had stood sentry [and] many a time talked with them and handed [them] all they wanted. I wonder if they know what I told them when guard over them, that they would swing. The two I know is Herold and [George] Atzerodt…”
Archive being Sold
Complete archive includes the two journals, each running approximately 100pp. with the 1862-63 journal measuring 3″ x 5″ and the 1865-66 journal measuring 4″ x 7″. Lot of 47 letters during Landes’ military service comprise 10 letters from 1862, 14 from 1863, 14 from 1865 and 9 from 1866. Lot also includes a tintype photo of Landes in uniform (though dark), an ambrotype of his wife, two of his pension certificates, and a CDV-sized photo of Landes in Civil War uniform on one side, and a later photo of him on the other side as Editor of the “The Independent”, a newspaper in Kansas.
1 An obituary of Henry W. Landes posted on Find-A-Grave states that Henry “was born in Huntington County, New Jersey August 11, 1843, being the eldest of nine children, and died at the home of his son, Joseph J. Landes, 902 Hillcrest, Marysville, Kansas, Wednesday morning at 6 o’clock from heart failure at the ripe age of 85 years, 2 months and 27 days.At an early age he moved from New Jersey to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where he grew to young manhood.
On August 11, 1862, at the age of 19, he enlisted with Company C, 129th Pennsylvania Volunteers and was engaged in a number of battles, Antietam and Chancellorsville and the Wilderness and several others and was honorably discharged May 13, 1863. He re-enlisted in the Marine Corps at Philadelphia, February 14, 1865, and was stationed in Washington, D.C.
Following Lincoln’s assassination and the subsequent killing of Booth, his assassin, he was assigned to guard the body of Booth the day it was beheaded after being taken on board the ship Montauk, April 27, 1865. Booth’s body was taken to the top of the boat, and Mr. Landes stood at attention while two Doctors removed the head, throwing the body over one side of the boat and the head over the other. The body was identified by a scar on Booth’s neck according to Mr. Landes’ account.In addition to guarding the body of Booth, the day it was beheaded, he served as a guard at the White house the day of Lincoln’s funeral and guarded Booth’s accomplice before he was hanged.
Mr. Landes receives a special discharge from the Marine Corps from the Secretary of War in July 1865 in advance of his enlistment by settling his account with the government and furnishing a substitute.
He married Miss Mary Elizabeth Gerlach at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, on February 21, 1867. Mary was born in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, November 11, 1843, being the eldest of seven children.
Mr. Landes came to Kansas in April 1871 with a Pennsylvania Dutch Colony and homesteaded one mile north and two miles east of Osborne. For five years he served as clerk of the town colony and was the first clerk of the city of Osborne after it was incorporated.
In 1886 he moved his family to Kirwin entering the government land office as clerk and was later appointed as receiver of the office.
In 1888 he established the Kirwin Independent which he published for 15 years. Later he entered the meat market business and was engaged in farming and poultry raising. About three years ago he returned to private life.
Mr. Landes is survived by four children: Schuyler C., of Colorado Springs, Colorado, Joseph J., of Marysville, Kansas; Lewis A., of Denver, Colorado, and Harrison P., of Kirwin.
After the Battle of Antietam, the German Reform Church on Main Street in Sharpsburg became a makeshift hospital for the Federal IX Corps, including many soldiers from the 16th Connecticut—a rookie regiment that suffered significant losses in the 40-Acre Cornfield. Irish-born surgeon Edward McDonnell [see biographical footnotes at end of this post] kept a casebook in which he detailed the treatment of some of the wounded in the small brick building.
The German Reform Church still stands at 46 West Main Street in Sharpsburg, Maryland, although it has gone through several renovations.
After he sliced open George F. Chamberlain’s shot-up right knee on Oct. 17, 1862, McDonnell drained more than a pint of pus from the 18-year-old soldier’s wound. His patient was “very nervous,” the surgeon noticed, undoubtedly because the Rebel lead in his leg still had not been removed a month after the battle.
On Oct. 30, 1862, McDonnell witnessed the death of a horribly wounded New York officer, whose thigh had been mangled by Rebel artillery. “He was able to speak to within an hour or so of his death,” the surgeon wrote of 25-year-old Captain Henry Sand of the 103rd New York, “and thus passed to another, and I believe better, world.”
What follows are some of McDonnell’s often-heart-rending patient assessments transcribed from the pages of McDonnell’s case book by my friend, Will Griffing. —John Banks
[Note: Surgeon Edward McDonnell’s casebook is housed in the National Archives at Washington D. C.]
James Willard Brooks
James Willard Brooks (1843-1862) was the son of James Fisk Brooks (1812-1891) and Sarah Davis (1809-1901) of Stafford, Tolland county, Connecticut. “James lay on the field for at least 40 hours before burial crews found him after the Battle of Antietam. An 18-year-old private in the 16th Connecticut, Brooks suffered from six wounds, including severe wounds to his left arm and both legs during the fight in John Otto’s cornfield. By early October 1862, James had been moved to the German Reform Church, where a makeshift field hospital had been set up in the small brick building on Sharpsburg’s main street. Initially, the surgeon who treated Brooks was optimistic.” See following report:
James W. Brooks—Co. I, 16th Ct., Stafford [Ct.]—wounded in the battle of Antietam 17 Sept.
Admitted to this hospital Oct. 5th 1862. Present condition (Oct. 7th). He has six wounds. There is a free incision in the upper third of the left arm and some four inches in length of the brachium has been removed by an operation consequent upon a musket fracture in that locality. No attempt at union has taken place & one can look into the cut & see the neck of the bone at one extremity and the opposite sawed end at the other extremity. Between the anus and the right tuberosity of the ischium is a wound where a ball entered and came out of the body at the right of the spine in the lumber region. A ball passed through the left leg between the tibia & fibula six inches above the ankle joint which apparently did no injury to the bone or vessel.
James W. Brooks’ Headstone
Another ball passing anteroposteriorly grazed the right leg—the same disturbed also the ankle and on the outer side—the wound is not serious. Another all struck the antero-exterior aspect of the thigh three inches above the knee at the middle of the thigh on the outer side. Of all the wounds, that of the arm & perineum are the more serious. The boy is emaciated but has an appetite & there is hope (October 7th evening) doing pretty well considering the multiplicity of his wounds.
October 9th noon. Holding his own remarkably.
October 10th, noon. Doing well but the most tedious case to dress and keep clean that I ever knew.
October 11th. Failing rapidly and must die soon.
October 11th 3 P. M. inst., Died.
“Two weeks later, he was given a military funeral in a cemetery in Willington, Conn. I visited Brooks’ final resting place early this afternoon, navigating the back-country roads until I ended up at the interestingly named Moose Meadow Cemetery. Tilted slightly to the right, Brooks’ 5-foot, gray marker may be found near the back of the cemetery, near an old stone wall. The tombstone says he died of “six heavy wounds.”— John Banks’ Civil War Blog.
Surgeon’s Notes of Wounds Received at Antietam by James W. Brooks, Co. I, 16th Connecticut Infantry
Capt. Henry Augustus Sand
Capt. Henry Augustus Sand, 103rd New York (New York State Military Museum)
Henry Augustus Sand was the son of German-born, Brooklyn merchant, Christian Henry Sand (1804-1867) and his wife Isabella Julia Carter (1808-1883). Sand grew up in an affluent family and spent two years studying in Lausanne, Switzerland, when he was 18. After serving in Company K of the 7th Regiment in 1861, he re-enlisted as a Captain at New York City on 12 March 1862, and was commissioned into Company D of the 103rd New York that same day. On 17 September 1862, he was wounded at the Battle of Antietam when the color bearer fell and he seized the flag, planting it far ahead and urging the men to come forward. His left thigh was shattered by a minié ball and he succumbed to his wounds on 30 October. The colonel of his regiment wrote a letter to his family after his death that read in part, “…With the battle of Antietam will live his name, an ornament to the Army and to his country and a just source of pride to his family, to his friends and to his regiment for whom he has labored and sacrificed in this righteous cause, his life and his blood.” [Note: Peter H. Sand and John F. McLaughlin have edited the Civil War letters of Capt. Henry A. Sand and published them in the book, “Crossing Antietam,” (2016). According to the book, He penned a letter to his family in Brooklyn Heights while lying on the battlefield, and then three more before dying of his wounds six weeks later. ]
Capt. Sand of 103rd New York. On the 30th September I was requested to see Capt. Sand wounded at the battle of Antietam September 17th. I visited him at 9 o’clock P.M. His friends informed me that the surgeon who had been attending to him said he thought his thigh bone was partially fractured. I found the limb (left) put up with the long splint & counter extension perineal strap with an inside adaptation splint, a quantity of hard coagulated blood lying between splint and limb resulting from hemorrhage occurring the previous evening.
A perineal band, for counter extension, made of heavy rubber tubing, with straps, buckles and rings.
He was pale and exsanguine, but felt comparatively easy. As I was informed by his friend that his surgeon assisted by another were to take him in hand in the morning, I did not disturb him to make an examination, particularly as doing so might lead to a renewal of the bleeding, and this in his then enfeebled state was to be avoided if possible, so I did not at this time further meddle with his case.
On the 2nd of October I was requested as his surgeon failed to attend to him, to take charge of his case. I visited him about 9 a.m. Present condition very pale and countenance anxious, voice strong, and speaks cheerfully. Limb still enclosed by the splints. I removed coagulated blood. Least movement of leg gives acute pain in neighborhood of hip joint. Pulse 120 and small. I removed splints and examined wound. I found it about half an inch external to femoral artery and three-quarters of an inch below Poupart’s [or Inguinal] ligament. The point of entrance of musket ball and another, that of exit posteriorly opposite fossa of great trochanter. On moving limb false point of motion easily discerned and crepitus [a grating sound] very distinct. On passing finger into wound, felt the fractured bone which I perceived was badly comminuted [fractured into tiny fragments]. As it gave him excruciating pain, I was obliged to abandon any further examination.
The wounds had begun to suppurate and in order to facilitate the dressing and cleanse of the wounds & believing I could thereby make him more comfortable & fulfill the indication of treatment better, I applied the adhesive straps and counter extension apparatus as I had seen Dr. Gurdon Buck of the New York Hospital apply in case of fractured femur and with the happiest results. (This however being cases of a simple fracture from accident.) My patient expressed himself as feeling more comfortable with this than he did with the splint. As he had not slept for several nights, I prescribed half gram of morphine.
[October] 3rd. My poor patient at my visit this morning expressed himself as feeling more comfortable. Slept last night for the first time for a week. Looks pale & countenance haggard in his expression. Pulse 98. Feeble. Appetite good. Speaks cheerfully.
[October] 6th. There has been little change to notice in his condition as my daily visits tell today. He has now two bed sores on the sacral region which give much pain. The anterior and posterior wounds are suppurating freely. As the least movement gives him pain, it is with great difficulty I can attend to his sores and wounds. This suggested evidence that a fracture bed would relieve us of this difficulty. I therefore desired his friends to procure one from New York. They accordingly did so—sent for one. His pulse is now 110. Appetite not bad. Speaks hopefully.
7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th. No noticeable change in his condition excepting that there is an [ ing] differently in dressing sores and wounds from “severe pain” produced by moving, referred particularly to the joint. He also gets thinner daily & perceptibly weaker. His bowels [ ] having acted for some days…
21st. Feels more easy but evidently losing ground. Pulse 125 and thready. Emaciated and appetite not so good. Has been having Quinine in Sherry 3 times daily for the last week & nutritious [ ] the immediate superintendence of his excellent Mother. 22nd, 23rd, 24th, & 25th. No change. I regret to say but for the worse. 26th, some disorganized Tip hanging out of the wound extracted by forceps. About 2.5 feet of what appeared to be the fascia of the thigh follows by a copious flow of unhealthy pus as there seemed to be considerable fluctuation with a vein to have a free out for the discharge. Dr. Ganley who accompanies me at this visit made a longitudinal incision through the external wound for about 4 inches in length down to the fracture, alieving a still freer escape for the pus. Several specula of bone were also removed. This lessened the odemate [?] state of the limb which was then bandaged carefully from the toes upwards and the apparatus readjusted.
27th Had a better night having given him a large dose of Morphine. 28th & 29th sinking rapidly. Diarrhea and vomiting set in. The last 24 hours has hickups. Appetite quite gone. Cannot survive a great while.
“It is difficult to know which to admire most—his fearless bravery and self denial on the field, or his cheerfulness and resignation under suffering calculated to test the courage of the most heroic spirits.”
30th. At half past 10 P. M., he died. He was rational and able to speak to within an hour or so of his death and thus passed to another and I believe a better world. One in the early prime of manhood whose devotion to his country seemed to him to require that he should give up the comforts & happiness of home to risk his life on the tented field and in conclusion I must say that it is difficult to know which to admire most—his fearless bravery and self denial on the field, or his cheerfulness and resignation under suffering calculated to test the courage of the most heroic spirits.
I believe no nobler spirit than his has been sacrificed to his country during the late war.
Per the 31st, I made post mortem & the pathological specimen resulting from it. I sent to the Surgeon General’s Office an examination of which will be found to confirm the diagnosis of seat of fracture.
John Loveland
“Private John Loveland, a 23-year-old barber from Hartford, drifted in and out of consciousness as he lay wounded among the cornstalks of John Otto’s cornfield. His fractured femur protruded two or three inches from his left leg.”
John Loveland, Co. C, 16th Conn., Hartford, Ct.—wounded on the 17th September at the battle of the Antietam. Admitted to this hospital October 5th. Condition at this date (Oct. 6th). The ball entered on the external aspect of the left limb a little above the upper border of the patella and made its exit on the internal aspect at about the same relative position to the knee [ ]. The distance between the two openings being not more than half as great measuring in front of the limbs as measuring behind the limb. From the inner most opening is now projecting for the space of an inch what appears to be the extremity of the fractured femur—upper extremity—at any rate from its immobility under considerable pressure it is the end of a large fragment if not of the whole shaft.
In addition to the two opening already mentioned, there is a third & larger than either, caused by pressure on the upper extremity of the fibula. This is merely a bedsore. Larvae from flies are in all the wounds. Treatment—easy positive & wet oakum to wounds after patient cleansing. Duties to other patients prevent further treatment today.
October 7th evening. Amputated at the middle of the thigh this forenoon. Circular operation. Lost more blood than I could have wished in the operation & the patient sank quite low after the removal of the limb & was long in coing from the influence of chloroform. But tonight he has good pulse, good color, is rational, feels hopeful & the case appears every way promising.
October 8th morning. Feeling well. Ate breakfast. Pulse good. Slept well. stump apparently in good condition.
“Loveland, who had his leg amputated, also died there in October when an artery in his leg disintegrated, spewing a gusher of blood.” — John Banks’ Civil War Blog.
Surgeon’s Notes of Wounds Received at Antietam by John Loveland, Co. C, 16th Connecticut Infantry
George Chamberlain, Middlesex County Historical Society
George F. Chamberlain, Co. G, 16th Conn., Middletown, Connecticut—wounded on the 17th Sept. at the Battle of Antietam. History of the case to the present date (Oct. 6) not known except that he has been under care at a hospital which was discontinued yesterday when this man and several others were brought & placed under my care at this hospital.
Present condition—wound from the entrance of a musket ball a little below the bend of the right knee and somewhat to the tibial side of the median line. The ball apparently passing toward the lower border of the patella, judging from present redness and tenderness on the upper edge of the inner tuberosity of the tibia, where I am inclined to believe the presence of the ball is causing inflammation. He keeps the leg flexed to near right angle & is careful not to move the joint for reason of pain. Treatment cold cloth to the hot and swelled knee & wet oakum to the suppurating wound.
October 7th evening. Much the same. Same treatment.
October 10th noon. Continues with but little change. Saw an increase of the redness at the joint above indicated. Keeps the limb and joint studiously immovable.
October 14. Little change since last date.
15th. Limb considerably swollen. Painful about joint. No suppuration. [ ] per movement of bowels. Morning. Appetite not good. Pulse 96 full. Dressing poultice.
16th. No change. Line to wound [ ] cloth to leg [ ]. Pulse 94/ Appetite good for toast & boiled chicken. 5 A. M. Pulse 98. Appetite continues good. Evening pulse 94. Altogether better. 9 o’clock P. M. Sleeping and in every way improved. — E. M.
Notes on Surgeon Edward McDonnell:
McDonnell’s application for a position in the Regular Army giving his medical history & forwarding testimonial. The following application was forwarded by Lieut. Gen. Grant on 4 November 1865:
“At the request of a gentleman I met in August 1861 in New York who informed me that he was authorized to raise a Brigade of Irishmen for the war, I gave up a good practice in New York City and accepted the position of Surgeon in hisBrigade. He said he desired to have me in consequence of my long residence in the South and my knowledge of the social position of the poor White man there that I might post them on some points that would dispel the delusions under which the class of Irishmen appeared to labor, and which was operating in seriously preventing enlistments into the service.
Having my heart in the cause with a strong desire that the Union should be preserved intact, I zealously cooperated with him, accompanies him to all places he made speeches in New York & elsewhere, furnished him data he incorporated in his addresses which had a marked effect in encouraging enlistments in that year. During the two months I was thus occupied, I spent all the money I had saved from private practice.
I have performed the most arduous and laborious field duties during the war throughout Pope’s Campaign—at Sharpsburg after the battle of Antietam, and lastly at the Siege of Vicksburg where I was in charge of the 18th A. C. Hospital—a field hospital I myself organized—and which on being inspected by Surgeon John E. Summers, Medical Inspector, U. S. A. was pronounced by him the most perfect and best conducted hospital in Gen. Grant’s Army.
Owing to sickness in my family, I have saved no money, therefore to be now mustered out will be injurious to myself and family. After an absence of 4 years, I could not recover my practice in New York and it would take years to establish another such. The inferences deducible from these facts are too obvious to need further elucidation. I shall therefore respectfully submit them for the kind consideration of the Secretary of War.
I have the honor to be most respectfully your obedient servant, E. McDonnell, Surgeon, U. S. Vol.”
“I was mustered into the service U. S. Volunteers by Col. Sackett, U. S. A. in New York City on the 30th November 1861 as Surgeon of the 5th Regiment Irish Brigade. I served with this organization up to the 14th of May when I accepted of the Surgency of the 1st N. Y. Artillery offered my by Col. Bailey, U. S. A., then commanding. On the death of Col. Bailey who was killed about this time near Warwick, C. H. in Virginia during McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign, I was induced by friends who thought my experience and qualifications entitled me to a sphere of more extended usefulness to apply for the position of Brigade Surgeon. I accordingly, on the recommendations of Senators King and Harris, N. Y., obtained an order from the Secretary of War to go before the examination of candidates for this position. This difference from the first board in the thoroughness & greater stringency of the examination. That, before the first board, lasting only a few hours and being of a superficial character, while this examination lasted a whole week, and was most stringent, made equally so with that of the Regular Army, in order to secure a better educated class of Medical Officers for the Service. I was one of the first four to go before this Board and the only one of the four that passed that week. I understand that only one being passed in each of the succeeding two weeks, the Board to obtain the number of medical men required, had to relax the severity of the examination…”
I received my commission as such on the 22nd of June 1862. I served as Brigade Surgeon throughout Pope’c Campaign and at the first battle—Cedar Mountain—I was chosen by. Dr. [Thomas A.] McParlin as one of the Corps of Operating Surgeons and he publicly complimented me on the energy I displayed at Culpeper where surgical operations on a large scale first commenced. I subsequently served under Surgeon John Moore, U. S. A. in McClellan’s Maryland Campaign at Antietam and was put in charge of all the hospitals of the 5th Corps in Sharpsburg, Boonesville, &c. At the conclusion of this campaign & on my arrival in Washington, I was assigned to duty as President of the Board of Examiners for discharging disabled soldiers at Camp Parole near Alexandria, Va.
In March 1863 I was ordered to report to you in the rear of of Vicksburg and was assigned to the 15th army Corp. The Medical Director of which placed me in charge of the Corps Hospital near the Yazoo swamp…At the closing of the hospitals at Vicksburg, I was ordered to report to General Banks at New Orleans and assigned to duty as Medical Director at Baton Rouge, Louisiana. here I remained until April 1864 when I was ordered to take charge of a hospital at Baltimore, Maryland, and latterly I was assigned to duty as Medical Director of the 3rd [ ] Brigade, there located, & in this position, I was when I received the order mustering out of the service.
I hold a diploma from the College of Surgeons, one also from the College of Physicians, London, and one from the Dublin…I have practiced 12 years in this country, 7 in Texas, Austin City, & five in New York City…”
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